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1. JEZEBEL(이세벨)
JEZEBEL QUEEN'S BODY EATEN BY DOGS Jezebel was a princess from the rich coastal city of Sidon, where her father was king. She married Ahab, son of a famous warrior king of Israel called Omri. Jezebel kept on worshipping her own gods, the gods of agriculture and weather, after she moved to Israel. Her most loved god was Baal, god of storms, rivers and water, but she probably also worshipped his divine wife Asherah, who personified the fertility of all females and was a fierce champion of the family. The people of Israel wavered between Jahweh and Baal, and there was mutual hatred between the priests of Jahweh and Baal. Each side was more than happy to murder opponents. Jezebel championed the priests of Baal, and in a showdown with the Jahwist prophet Elijah on Mount Carmel, hundreds of her priests were slaughtered by the Jahwists. Jezebel swore revenge, and Elijah went into hiding. Jezebel's father in Sidon was an absolute monarch, and she believed that a king's word was law. But this was not the Israelite view. In one incident, her husband Ahab needed a plot of land to serve the palace at Jezreel. The owner of the land, Naboth, would not sell, and Ahab fell into some sort of black depression - he was a great warrior himself but always lived under the shadow of his famous father. Jezebel decided to act. '.....the palace dogs had got to her first, and all that remained of this royal woman was her head and her hands.' ___________________________________ She arranged the judicial murder of Naboth, and so got the land for her husband. She thought she was within her rights; many people disagreed. When her husband Ahab died, her son Ahaziah succeeded to the throne. Two years later he died in an 'accident', falling from a high balcony in the palace. Her second son Joram became king, but after some years he was murdered in a palace coup led by a sinister man called Jehu. In the ensuing violence Jezebel was killed as well, flung by her own eunuchs from a high balcony. She died as a queen should die, magnificent and defiant, hurling insults at her murderers to her last breath. The usurper, Jehu, ran his iron-wheeled chariot back and forth over her dying body, then went into the palace for a celebratory dinner. Afterwards, he remembered that her body was still lying in the courtyard of the palace, and ordered that it be buried. But the palace dogs had got to her first, and all that remained of this royal woman was her head and her hands. After this, Jehu ordered the murder all of the young men and boys of the royal family, about seventy in all. Their heads were sent to him in baskets. BIBLE REFERENCE Conflict between worshippers of Jahweh and Baal (1 Kings 16:29-34, 18:17-40, 19:1-3) The episode of Naboth’s vineyard (1 Kings 21:1-16) The death of Jezebel and her family (1 Kings 22:29-40, 2 Kings 9:21-28, 9:30-37)
10. ATHALIAH(아달랴)
ATHALIAH A WOMAN SEIZES POWER Athaliah had an impeccable lineage, being either daughter of the greatest king of Israel, Omri, and sister-in-law of Jezebel, or daughter of Ahab and Jezebel. Athaliah was born in the northern kingdom of Israel but married the crown prince of Judah in the south. His name was Jehoram, and he ruled as king of Judah for eight years before he died at the age of forty - comparatively young, even for those times. He had had a turbulent reign, largely spent on the battlefield. He was succeeded by Athaliah's twenty-two year old son Ahaziah, and her position automatically became much more powerful. The top woman in a kingdom at this time was not the king's wife - wives went in and out of favor - but the Queen Mother, who acted as counselor to her son and was often the only person he could trust. Unfortunately for Athaliah, her son reigned for only one year before he was murdered by Jehu, who had already killed all of the royal family of Israel, including Jezebel. Ahaziah had travelled north to visit his cousin Joram, Jezebel's son, and been caught up in the events of the coup that destroyed all Jezebel's family. Athaliah was at the palace in Jerusalem when she heard what had happened. Now the story gets a bit muddy. According to the Bible, Athaliah set out to destroy all of her own family, seizing power for herself. Why she would do this is not clear, unless every single one of her male children and grandchildren were already dead - or unless she thought she would make the most capable leader, and ruler, of the kingdom. If this was the case, she was well advised to make a grab for power; the only alternative was to hope for a quick death by sword thrust. 'Athaliah ran to the Temple, but did not have time to summon her own guard. She found herself alone in a hostile crowd. They pursued her out through the Horse Gate of the Temple, hunted her down and killed her.' _________________________ An alternative explanation is that the boys were killed by someone else, Jehu's followers, and that Athaliah managed to save herself but was later blamed for the carnage. According to the Bible narrative, a baby boy was saved by the quick action of Jehosheba, Athaliah's sister. His name was Jehoash, and he was said to be the son of Ahaziah. She hid the baby and his nurse in a remote bedroom of the palace and kept him hidden for the next six years. For the next six years Athaliah was the ruler of Judah - the only female monarch Judah or Israel ever had. But at the end of that six years there was another palace coup, led by a member of the Jahwist priesthood, Jehoiada - who was also, as it happened, the husband of Jehosheba. He produced the by-now six year old boy, told members of the military that the boy was the miraculously saved son of the murdered king Ahaziah and that they should place the boy on the throne - with Jehoiada as regent, of course. The breakaway group crowned the boy and anointed him, saluting him with cries of 'Long Live the King!' When she heard the uproar Athaliah ran to the Temple, but did not have time to summon her own guard. She found herself alone in a hostile crowd. They pursued her out through the Horse Gate of the Temple, hunted her down and killed her. The seven-year old Jehoash became king. Bible reference: 2 Kings 8:26-29, 9:27-29, 10:12-14, 11:1-16, 2 Chronicles 22:10-23:15
2. SALOME(살로메)
SALOME KING'S INCEST WITH DAUGHTER? Salome is remembered for two things: the Dance of the Seven Veils (which did not happen) and the execution of John the Baptist (which did). Salome started off with natural advantages: she was the daughter of Herodias, and step-daughter of Herod Antipas, who ruled a large part of ancient Palestine - under the direction of the Romans, of course. Her step-father Antipas had clapped John into prison because he was far too outspoken in his criticism of the marriage between Antipas and Herodias - the marriage violated Mosaic law because Herodias was the divorced wife of Antipas' half brother Philip. The political situation was very delicate, and Antipas and Herodias simply could not afford to have a trouble-maker roaming around the country criticizing the royal family. They knew they had to act to rid themselves of this political pest. But they could not do so openly. The most they could do was to clap John into prison and leave him there, which they did. This however did not seem to solve the problem and the royal family, particularly Herodias who faced being divorced if John kept on ranting about her, looked for another solution. It is impossible to know how much of what then happened was pre-arranged, but at Antipas' birthday dinner the young Salome danced, and pleased him mightily. In his cups, or seeming to be, Antipas promised her anything at all that she asked for. 'Her mother Herodias seized the opportunity and told her to ask for John's head. She went back to the banquet hall and made her request. Antipas immediately granted it.' __________________________________ She went to her mother for advice: what should she demand? Herodias seized the opportunity and told her to ask for John's head. She went back to the banquet hall and made her request. Antipas immediately granted it. John was beheaded (and therefore silenced permanently), and the young princess calmly went on with her life - she married well, twice, and lived a long life. Her story proved popular, and Herod is often portrayed as lusting after the pre-pubescent Salome, and she in turn desires John the Baptist. This may or may not be so. What is known is that the family was politically astute - Jesus called Antipas 'the fox'. It is more likely that the girl simply acted to protect her mother against the criticism of a man who was, to Salome, a crazed fanatic - much like Chelsea Clinton rallying to a call from Hillary. For John's story, see BIBLE PEOPLE: JOHN THE BAPTIST Bible reference: Mark 6:14-29, Matthew 14:1-12
3. EVE (하와)
EVE THE ORIGINAL TROUBLE-MAKER? At the supreme moment in the story of creation, God made a creature ‘in his own image’. This creature had a nature that was essentially creative. It could imagine, invent, and change the world, as God did in the Genesis story. The creature was itself an expression of the creative energy of God. But the creature was alone, so God created a mate for it. He took a bone from the creature's rib cage and fashioned Woman - Eve. Man would never be really complete again unless there was a woman beside him. She, it seems, was even more creative (and therefore God-like?) than her mate Adam. When one of the reptiles in the Garden of Eden spoke to her, suggesting she try something new, she was intrigued. She had been given the power of choosing and of making decisions. If she did as the reptile suggested and ate the Apple, she might gain new understanding and wisdom. Unfortunately, Eve was an innocent. She had no previous experience of deceit, so she believed what she was told. She made her choice, deciding to seek knowledge of good and evil rather than be obedient to God's command. '...like Helen of Troy and Guinevere, she is still seen as the central cause of unwanted change.' ______________________ As humans, we continually test boundaries and try new ideas, and in the Genesis story woman as ‘life-giver’ is the one who initiates this process. It is a dangerous activity - the quest for knowledge should always be balanced by wisdom. Eve would learn this lesson the hard way. She took the apple to Adam, so that he might taste it too. He ate it without thinking or arguing. Like Eve, he misused his ability to make decisions and did not consider the consequences. Instantly, the original harmony between humanity and nature was disrupted. The Garden of Eden was lost - as it continues to be lost, every day, in our world. Of the two, Eve was the mover and shaker in the story, the active person. In short, it was she who initiated change in an otherwise stable world. For more on Eve, see BIBLE WOMEN: EVE Bible reference: Genesis 2:18-4:2; 4:25
4. DELILAH(들릴라)
DELILAH MAN UNABLE TO KEEP SECRET!!! Delilah was a beautiful Philistine woman who lived in the valley of Sorek. She was probably a successful courtesan. She was certainly loved by Samson, a brutal warrior who described making love with his wife as 'plowing with my heifer...'. Despite his appalling record of violence, or perhaps because of it, he was a hero to the beleaguered Hebrew settlers who were trying to find a place for themselves in land already occupied by the Canaanites and Philistines. Samson was enormously strong, and people at that time believed this must be because of some magic trick that gave him extraordinary power. Some of the Philistine leaders approached Delilah and offered her an immense sum of money if she would find out the secret of Samson's strength. Three times she asked him, and three times he gave her a false answer. Eventually he told her what he believed: that his strength resided in his hair which, since it had never been cut, was far more plentiful that any other man's. Since he was probably only a customer to Delilah, and since the money she would get for the secret would be enough to release her from her life of prostitution, she gave his secret away. 'His eyes were gouged from their sockets and he was thrown into prison. After that, Delilah disappears from the story...' _______________________ She called the Philistines, told them the secret, and while Samson slept she allowed them to cut off his luxuriant hair. There is something moving in the picture of Samson sleeping with his head in Delilah's lap, unaware of the forces assembling against him. Unless she had reason to hate all Israelites, Delilah must have felt some pity for him. Without his hair - and therefore his strength - Samson was easily overpowered. In the words of the story, 'the Lord had left him'. Delilah probably expected a quick death for him, rather than the protracted torture which followed his capture. His eyes were gouged from their sockets and he was thrown into prison. After that, Delilah disappears from the story, but it is probably that the Philistines honored their promise of payment and Delilah enjoyed a comfortable retirement. For more of this story, see BIBLE WOMEN: DELILAH Bible reference: Judges 16:4-21
5. MAACAH
MAACAH GIVE ME THAT OLD-TIME RELIGION Maacah was a royal princess, but one born under a cloud. Her father was said to be Absalom, who rebelled against his father King David and was murdered. But she may have been the illegitimate daughter of Absalom's sister Tamar, who was raped by her obsessive half-brother Amnon and hidden away in the royal harem for the rest of her life. Either way, not a good start. Despite this, Maacah must have been a charmer, because she overcame the conditions of her birth and was married to Solomon's eldest son Rehoboam. The Bible says bluntly that he loved her more than any of his other wives and concubines. When Solomon died Rehoboam succeeded to the throne. There was trouble brewing. The ten northern tribes were discontented with the way that power was centralized in Jerusalem. They wanted the old autonomous tribal system, where they had more control over decisions that shaped their lives. Things came to a head at Rehoboam's coronation, and the ten tribes broke away, leaving Rehoboam with only two tribes (Judah and Benjamin) and his capital, Jerusalem. There was trouble from outside as well. Egypt invaded five years later, under the Pharaoh Sheshonq I, founder of the 22nd dynasty. Rehoboam's army was unable to repel the Egyptians, and the entire territory of Judah was left open to rape and pillage. Worse still (I joke) was that the royal women were forced to surrender all the jewelry as booty to the invaders. Maacah lost all her personal treasures. 'Worse still (I joke) was that the royal women were forced to surrender all the jewelry as booty to the invaders.' ________________________ Twelve years later her husband died, and Maacah's son Abijah succeeded him. Now Maacah came into full power as Queen Mother - the most powerful woman in the kingdom. She immediately began to restore the old religion - worship of the fertility gods - and it is for this reason that the Bible regards her as beyond the pale. Her role as Queen Mother probably included cultic ceremonies for the fertility goddess Asherah. The fertility religions in the ancient world attempted to predict and control the weather. Since the people of the ancient world depended utterly on agriculture, the state of their crops was of paramount importance. If crops were abundant, all was well. If there was a drought, the people simply starved to death. But Maacah's reign as Queen Mother lasted for only two years, while her son Abijah reigned. When he suddenly died he was succeeded by his son Asa, who may or may not have owed his throne to the Jahwist priesthood. In any case, Asa was removed her from her position of power and forced to live out her days in the claustrophobic rooms of the royal harem. Bible reference: 1 Kings 15, 2 Chronicles 11:20-23; 15:16
6. POTIPHAR'S WIFE(보디발의 아내)
POTIPHAR'S WIFE NAKED MAN DENIES LOVE TRIANGLE Joseph, the son of Rachel and Jacob, was sold into slavery and taken to Egypt. Once there, he became an outstanding success - Chief Steward for a rich Egyptian, Potiphar. Potiphar had a beautiful wife, a woman used to getting her own way. She was lonely, bored and constantly in the company of an unusually handsome man, the Brad Pitt of the ancient world. Neglected by her husband who may have been a eunuch, she fell in love with Joseph - to the point of obsession. Temptation became too much for her. She made some kind of sexual approach to Joseph - 'Lie with me', she said. Joseph had to either offend the wife or betray her husband. He decided to reject the woman. But one day when they were alone in the house she insisted, grabbing hold of him. In the physical tussle that followed, she pulled off his linen loin-cloth. He was naked, and ran out of the room and then out of the house altogether, leaving his clothing behind. 'Potiphar had a beautiful wife, a woman used to getting her own way. She was lonely, bored and thrown into the company of an unusually handsome man, the Brad Pitt of the ancient world.' _________________________ She was enraged. She called to the members of the household, telling them Joseph had tried to rape her. She held up Joseph's clothing to prove her point. Only her screams had prevented him abusing her, she said. She waited until her husband came home and told him the same story. He was enraged - at Joseph? at her? The incident was now common knowledge. As a cuckold he would become an object of ridicule. He charged Joseph with the attempted rape of his wife, and put him in prison. Of the wife, we hear no more. For more of her story, see BIBLE WOMEN: POTIPHAR'S WIFE Bible reference: Genesis 39:1-20
7. LOT'S WIFE
LOT'S WIFE DON'T LOOK BACK Lot's wife is unnamed, but her story is significant. Her crime, for which she was turned into a pillar of lifeless salt, was to look back - in other words, to long for the past rather than than living in the present and planning for the future. Her husband was the nephew of Abraham, and her whole family traveled with Abraham in the long wandering that his family/tribe endured as they looked for pasture for their flocks. Eventually they came to Canaan, and Lot's family and Abraham's parted company - their flocks had grown so large it was no longer practical to travel together. Lot moved into the Jordan valley, as far as the city of Sodom. It was not a particularly good place to be at that time. There was constant warfare between the petty kings of the region. Lot's family and servants were captured by one of these kings, and only saved because Abraham heard about their plight and came to rescue them. Some time after this, Lot settled with his family in the notorious city of Sodom, already well known as a center of homosexual and libertine practices. God now sent two men/angels to destroy Sodom, but on Abraham's insistence these beings warned Lot of what they were about to do. He in turn warned his family - his wife, two daughters and the two young men who were to marry his daughters. On the following morning Lot's wife and daughters, no doubt feeling somewhat dubious about the whole thing, agreed to leave the city. They packed whatever they could carry and headed for the hills. 'It became too much for Lot's wife. She turned her body and looked back - and died instantly, as her body turned from warm living flesh into dry, lifeless salt.' ________________________ The angels/men warned them not to look back: 'Flee for your life; do not look back or stop anywhere in the Plain; flee to the hills, or else you will be consumed.' The little group fled, and as they hurried away sulfur and fire began to rain from the sky. The cities behind them were consumed in some sort of terrible cataclysm. The noise, smoke and tumult must have been terrifying - and all the time, they could not look back to where they had come from, to the home they had left. It became too much for Lot's wife. She turned her body and looked back - and died instantly, as her body turned from warm living flesh into dry, lifeless salt. The point of the story? Don't look back. Life means looking forward, moving onwards, not focusing on the past to the extent that we become mired in the dark memories we all have. Looking back will leach the life out of you, and you will in effect become as arid as a pillar of salt. Jesus gave Mary Magdalene much the same message when, in the garden on the morning of the Resurrection, he told her not to cling to him, but to go and tell the disciples about him instead. Bible reference: Genesis 11:31-14:16; 19
8. LOT'S DAUGHTERS(롯의 딸들)
LOT\'S DAUGHTERS DOES THE END JUSTIFY THE MEANS? After the cataclysm described above in the section on Lot\'s wife, Lot and his two daughters fled from the plain up into the hills, where they could be more safe. There were no settlements there, and Lot and the two girls huddled for shelter in a cave. They believed they were the only surviving members of the human race, and that all other people in the world had been destroyed. This was bad enough, but the two young men who had been promised husbands were now dead, and the young women saw no hope of ever having children of their own. They decided on a ruse to get themselves pregnant. It was the idea of the older sister: they would get their father drunk in the evening, and have sex with him as he lay in a stupor. This they did, both of them, on separate nights. \'they would get their father drunk in the evening, and have sex with him as he lay in a stupor\' _______________________ Sure enough, both girls became pregnant and eventually bore a son each. The older girl called her son Moab, and he was named as the ancestor of the Moabites, a tribe with whom the Israelites were often at war. The younger girl called her son Ben-ammi and he, the Bible says, was the ancestor of the Ammonites - another tribe with whom the Israelites fought. Thus both of the enemy tribes, the Bible proposed, were the result of acts of incest between Lot and his daughters. Bible reference: Genesis 19:30-38
9. HERODIAS
HERODIAS SHE STOOD BY HER MAN This little girl's life began in darkness, in a welter of blood. Before she was born, her grandfather Herod the Great killed her grandmother, the lovely, tragic Mariamne, in a fit of jealous rage. Then he killed her father, his own son. Her mother fled to Rome with Herodias and her younger brother Agrippa, and stayed there until it was safe to return. Little Herodias grew up as a royal aristocrat in Rome, pampered, spoiled and aware of her status. Her first husband, and the father of her daughter Salome, was her uncle Philip, also a son of Herod the Great. She divorced him and then married Philip's half brother Herod Antipas (who was also her uncle). Marriage to an uncle was normal practice among royal families in the eastern part of the Roman Empire. Soon after she and Antipas were married, John the Baptist began to criticize her for marrying her former husband's brother. In response, Antipas put him in prison. Whose idea was this? Hard to say. Mark in his gospel says it was Herodias who wanted to see John killed. Matthew blamed Herod and said that from the start he plotted to be rid of John. In all probability, it was a bit of both. Royal status or not, nobody in Herodias' family was short of rat cunning, and the truth was that John's harangues were de-stabilizing a politically sensitive country. If a revolt broke out, Antipas and Herodias would be the ultimate losers, and they were well aware of the fact. So arrangements were made: Salome danced, Antipas promised, Herodias advised, and John was beheaded. His execution was probably arranged beforehand. Antipas had to make it appear as if he had no alternative to killing John, and a public promise given at his birthday banquet gave him a way out. After all, he had given his word to the girl; what could he do? He had to honor it. This would have been his defense. 'when they met Caligula face-to-face he casually stripped them of all their possessions, everything they owned, and gave it instead to Herodias' vicious young ne'er-do-well brother Agrippa' _________________________ It worked. John was executed and thus silenced, and his death acted as a warning to other would-be agitators. As far as the gospels are concerned, that was the end of Herodias' story. But in fact there was quite a bit more. Some years later her younger brother Agrippa was made a king by the Roman Emperor Caligula - Agrippa was a vicious young ne'er-do-well, but a close friend of Caligula's. Herodias was incensed at the injustice of it all. Why should her own husband Antipas, who had served Rome loyally for many years, not receive the same honor? She talked Antipas into going to Rome to ask for this favor, but when they met Caligula face-to-face he casually stripped them of all their possessions, everything they owned, and gave it instead to Agrippa. He also sentenced them to life-long exile. On being reminded that Herodias was Agrippa's sister, he made her an offer: disown her husband, and she would be allowed to retain her own wealth and return home. It was here that Herodias showed her true mettle. She proudly rejected Caligula's offer and went instead into exile with her husband. It must be said, however, that exile in this case meant living in a Roman city in the south of France, perhaps not such a terrible sacrifice after all. For Herod's story, see BIBLE PEOPLE: HEROD Bible reference: Mark 6:17-28, Matthew 14:1-11; Luke 3:19-20
Akkadian Myths and Epics
Akkadian Myths and Epics 2002-08-05 15:39:12 read : 2 TRANSLATOR: E. A. SPEISER   The material here offered is intended to be representative rather than exhaustive. It is not always possible to draw a sharp line between Akkadian compositions devoted to myths and related material, and those that concern other types of religious literature, not to mention special categories of historical nature. Furthermore, considerations of space and time have tended to exclude sundry literary remains whose bearing on the purpose of this work is not immediately apparent. It is hoped, however, that nothing of genuine relevance has been omitted. As regards the order of the individual subjects, it was deemed advisable to present in succession the two major survivals of this group of texts, namely, The Creation Epic and The Epic of Gilgamesh. The alternative procedure would have been to group some of the minor subjects with the one epic, and some with the other. The present arrangement has a sound biblical precedent in the order of the books of the Prophets.   In translating material which has come down to us in poetic form, there arises the inevitable conflict between adherence to the force and flavor of the original idiom-as that idiom is understood-and adherence to the given poetic form. In the present instance, preference was given to the demands of meaning, whenever necessary. Elsewhere slight exceptions have been made in an effort to reflect the measures of the Akkadian versenormally a unit of two distinct halves with two beats in each half. Where the text presents an overlong line as a result of a mechanical combination of two verses, the added verse has been indented in the translation so as not to alter the line count of the text. In lines grown unwieldy for other reasons-such as theological addition in the original, or the helplessness of the translator when confronted with the economy or the elusiveness of the Akkadian idiom-indentation has likewise proved to be a convenient device. The strong temptation to indicate logical transitions in the context by means of paragraphing has been resisted on the ground that such divisions might be regarded as arbitrary. Where, however, the text suggests paragraphing by means of horizontal lines (as in The Epic of Gilgamesh), the translation has followed suit by resorting to added spacing. Virtually all of the material included under this heading has had the benefit of painstaking study over a period of many years. The principal editions of the texts and the latest discussions and translations arc listed in the respective introductions to the individual subjects. Each revision is indebted to some extent to its various predecessors. My own debt to my colleagues, past-and present, is too great to be acknowledged in detail. I have tried, however, to note explicitly such appropriated improvements and observations as may not as yet have become the common property of Assyriological scholarship. In fairness to others, it was necessary also to call attention to the occasional departures for which I alone must bear the responsibility. The existing gaps in the texts, at any rate, and the lacunae in our understanding of what is extant, are still much too formidable for anything like a definitive translation.       The Creation Epic   The struggle between cosmic order and chaos was to the ancient Mesopotamians a fateful drama that was renewed at the turn of each new year. The epic which deals with these events was therefore the most significant expression of the religious   literature of Mesopotamia. The work, consisting of seven tablets, was known in Akkadian as Enfima elil "When on high," after its opening words. It was recited with due solemnity on the fourth day of the New Year's festival. Portions of this work were first made available in modern times by George Smith, in The Chaldean 4ccount of Genesis (i876). The flow of material has continued intermittently ever since. We owe these texts to three main sources: (a) The British excavations at Nineveh; the relevant texts have been published in CT, xiii (iooi) and in L. W. King's The Seven Tablets of Creation (2 V@S.,'1902). (b) Ile German excavations at Ashur; texts in E. Ebeling's Keilschrifttexte aus 4ssur religibsen Inhalts (1915 ff-)- (c) 'Me British-American excavations at Kish; texts in S. Lang@o'n's Oxford Editions of Cuneiform Texts (1923 ff-; Vol. vi). Scattered fragments have appeared in the periodical publications. A convenient compilation of the texts has been given by A. Deimcl in his Enuma Elil (2nd ed., 1936). This book contains a useful textual apparatus, but it does not altogether eliminate the need for comparison with the basic publications. In recent years, large gaps in Tablet VIT have been filled by E. Ebeling in M,40G, xit (1939), part 4, and these additions have been supplemented and elucidated by W. von Soden in Z,4, xlvii (i942), 1-26. The only part that still is largely unknown is Tablet V. The various studies and translations of this epic are too numerous for a complete survey. The more recent ones include: S. Langdon, The Babylonian Epic of Creation (1923); E. Ebeling, 40T, io8 ff.; R. Labat, Le po@me babylonien de la creation (1935); and A. Heidel, The Babylonian Genesis (1942). For the sake of ready reference, I have retained the line count employed by Labat. Heidel's careful translation could scarcely be overestimated in its usefulness. Except for the portions of Tablet VII, which have appeared since, it constituted the fullest rendering possible at the time of its publication. Attention should also be called to W. von Soden's grammatical study, Der hymnischepische Dialckt des Akkadischen, ZA, XL-XLI (1932 f.), and to A. L Oppcnheim's notes on Mesopotamian Mythology 1, Orient-   alia, xvi (I947), 207-38. There is as yet no general agreement as regards the date of composition. None of the extant texts antedates the first millennium B.C. On the internal evidence, however, of the context and the linguistic criteria, the majority of the scholars would assign the epic to the Old Babylonian period, i.e. the early part of the second millennium B.C. 'Mere does not appear to be any convincing reason against this earlier dating. The poem is cast in metric form. One seventh-century copy of Tablet IV, for instance, still shows plainlv the division of lines into halves, thus bringing out the two beats of each half. Theological, political, and exegetical considerations have led to various chanies and additions, but these are readily recognized for the most part thanks to the underlying metric framework.' Unfortunately, a translation cannot make use of this type of evidence, however obvious it may be. In general, the successive revisions have marred the poetic effect of the whole. Nevertheless, enough passages have come down intact to bear witness to a genuine literary inspiration in many instances.   Tablet I   When on high the heaven had not been named,   I A metric rendering of Tablet I into Dutch has been published by F. M. Th. B6hl in IEOL, 11 (1944), 145 ff.     Firm ground below had not been called by name, Naught but primordial Apsu, their begetter, (And) Mummu'-Tiamat, she who bore them all, Their' waters commingling as a single body; No reed hut' had been matted, no marsh land had appeared, When no gods whatever had been brought into being, Uncalled by name, their destinies undetermined- Then it was that the gods were formed within them.' Lahmu and Lahamu were brought forth, by name they were called. (Io) Before they had grown in age and stature. Anshar and Kishar were formed, surpassing the others. They prolonged the days, added on the years.' Anu was their heir, of his fathers the rival; Yea, Anshar's first-born, Anu, was his equal. Anu begot in his image Nudimmud.' This Nudimmud was of his fathers the master, Of broad wisdom, understanding, mighty in strength, Mightier by far than his grandfather, Anshar. He had no rival among the gods, his brothers.' (20) The divine brothers banded together, They disturbed Tiamat as they surged back and forth," Yea, they troubled the mood" of Tiamat By their hilarity" in the Abode of Heaven. Apsu could not lessen their clamor And Tiamat was speechless at their [uays]. Their doings were loathsome unto [... ]. Unsavory were their ways; they were overbearing." Then Apsu, the begetter of the great gods,   Cried out, addressing Mummu, his vizier: (30) "O Mumrnu, my vizier, who rejoicest my spirit," Come hither and let us go to Tiamat!" They went and sat down before Tiamat, Exchanging counsel about the gods, their first-born. Apsu, opening his mouth, Said unto resplendent" Tiamat:   PC   2 Not to be confused with the vizier Mummu, for grammatical reasons. .rhaps an epithet in the sense of "mother," as has long bcen suspected. On the various meanings of the term see now A. Heidet in INES, vit (1948), 98-105. 11 -C. se: i the fresh watcrs of Apsii and the marine watcrs of Tiamat "the " In this epic gipiru indkates both the primitive building material-as in this passage; cf. E. Douglas Van Buren, Orientatia, xiii (r944), 32-4nd a cult hut (Tablct I, 77). Both meanings can be reconciled on the basis of W. Andrac's researches into the origin of Mesopotamian shrine architecture; cf. his Das Gotteshaus und die Urformen des Bauens im alien Orient (I 930). Note, however, that the initial gi of this word is not to be confused with Sumerian gi "reed." 5 The waters of Apsri and Tiamat. 6 i.e. a long time elapsed. 7 One of the names of Ea, the earth- and water-god. 8 Reading with one Ashur text, for a-lid "begetter." 9 Var. "fathers." 10 Reading na-mul-lu-nu, with a number of interpreters. Others read the ambiguous second sign as -;ir-, thus obtaining the sense "assaulted their keeper"; cf. Hcidel, BG, 9. 11 Lit. "belly." 12 Cf. W. v. Soden, Z,4, XLIV (1938), 38- 13 For the approximate sense cf. A. L. Oppenheim, Orientalia, xvi (1947), 21o, n' 2. 14 Lit. "liver." 15 This translation ignores a minor grammatical difficulty; the alternative (spoke) with r2ised voice" (cf. Tablet 111, 125) would have to contend with etymological objections.   "Their ways are verily loathsome unto me. By day I find no relief," nor repose by night. I will destroy, I will wreck their ways,   That quiet may be restored. Let us have rest!" (40) As soon as Tiamat heard this, She was wroth and called out to her husband. She cried out aggrieved, as she raged all alone, Injecting woe into her mood: "What? Should we destroy that which we have built? Their ways indeed are most troublesome, but let us attend" kindly!" Then answered Mummu, giving counsel to Apsu; [III-tvishing] and ungracious was Mummu's advice: "Do destroy, my father, the mutinous ways. Then shalt thou have relief by day and   rest by night!" (50) When Apsu heard this, his face grew radiant Because of the evil he planned against the gods, his sons. As for Mummu, by the neck he embraced him As (that one) sat down on his knees to kiss him." (Now) whatever they had plotted between them, Was repeated unto the gods, their first-born. When the gods heard (this)," they were astir, (Then) lapsed into silence and remained speechless. Surpassing in wisdom, accomplished, resourceful, Ea, the all-wise, saw through their" scheme. (6o) A master design against it he devised and set up, Made artful his spell against it, surpassing and holy. He recited it and made it subsist in the deep," As he poured sleep upon him. Sound asleep he lay." When Apsu he had made prone, drenched with sleep, Mummu, the adviser," was powerless to stir" He loosened his band, tore off his tiara, Removed his halo" (and) put it on himself." Having fettered Apsu, he slew him. Mummu he bound and left behind lock. (70)   Having thus upon Apsu established his dwelling, He laid hold on Mummu, holding him by the nose-ropc. After Ea had vanquished and trodden down his foes, Had secured his triumph over his enemies, In his sacred chamber in profound peace had rested, He named it "Apsu," for shrines he assigned (it). In that same place his cult hut" he founded.   · 16 Not mcrely "rest," because of the "clative" force of the prefix I-, function as yet ignored in Akkadian grammars. 17 For this value of ladddu cf. Gilg. XI', 32 and the semantic range of the terms listed in Deimel, SL, 371, 73. 18 The Akkadian appears ambiguous as to subject and object. It would seem, however, that as Mummu came down to his knees, Apsri embraced him by the neck. 19 Var. "ne gods were in tears." 20 That of Apsii and Mummu. 21 Lit. "caused it to be in the waters," viz. those of Apsa. 22 cf. F. W. Geers, INES, Iv (I 945), 66. 23 Reading tam-la-ka with Heidel, BG, io, n. 22. 24 Cf. ICS, v (1951), 65 and n. 15- 25 Following the interpret2tion of A. L. Oppenheim, 1,40S, LXIII (1943),3I ff- 26 The rich crop of variant readings which the Akkadian versions furnish for this passagc, and the consequent V2riCty Of interpretations, appear to be due to the use of an archaic pronomin2l form (lua); cf. W. v. Soden, ZA, XL (1932), 182. 27 See above, notc 4.     Ea and Damkina," his wife, dwelled (there) in splendor. In the chamber of fates, the abode of destinies, A god was engendered, most able and wisest of gods. (8o) In the heart of At)su" was Marduk" created, In the heart of h@ly Apsu was Marduk created. He who begot him was Ea, his father; She who bore him was Damkina, his mother. The breast of goddesses he did suck." The nurse that nursed him filled him with awesomeness. Alluriniz was his figure, sparkling the lift of his eyes. Lordly was his gait, commanding from of old. When Ea saw him, the father who begot him, He exulted and glowed, his heart filled with gladness. (go) He rendered him perfect" and endowed him with a double godhead." Greatly exalted was he above them, exceeding throughout. Perfect were his members beyond comprehension, Unsuited for understanding, difficult to perceive. Four were his eyes, four were his ears; When he moved his lips, fire blazed forth. Large were all four" hearing organs, And the eyes, in like number, scanned all things. He was the loftiest of the gods, surpassing was his stature; His members were enormous, he was exceeding tall.   "My little son, my little son!" (100)   My son, the Sun! Sun of the heavens! Clothed with the halo of ten gods, he was strong to the utmost, As their awesome flashes were heaped upon him. Anu brought forth and begot the fourfold wind Consigning to its power the leader of the host. He fashioned . . . , station[ed] the whirlwind," He produced streams to disturb Tiamat. The gods, given no rest, sufifer in the storm. Their heart(s) having plotted evil, To Tiamat, their mother," said: "When they slew Apsu, thy consort, Thou didst not aid him but remainedst still.   28 The Assyrian versions substitute here and elsewhere @hmu and Labimu for the Babylonian Ea and Damkina; similarly, Anshar-@shur replaces Marduk. 29 "The Deep.,, 30 Var. "Ashur" here and in the next line. 31 Var. "she caused him to suck." 32 The technical term lutelba refers priM2rily to the final inspection of their work by craftsmen before it is pronounced ready for use. cf. also Th. Bauer, Dac Inschrittenwerk Afsarban;pals (Leipzig, 1933), 11, 84. 33 cf. Oppenheim, Orientalia, xvi (I 947), 21 !. 34 Ile word play of'the Akkadian irbo7 erba cannot readily be reflected. 35 Akkadian mdri(ya)titu reflects a double pun: cf. Orientalia, xv (1946), 380, n. 6; Z,4, xxxv (1923), 239, and ZA, xxxvi (1924), 77-79. Grammatically, "Our son, our sont" is also possible. 36 New texts (LX.4, 3 and AnSt ii, 32 f.@f. Addenda) have fillcd. in gaps in lines 104 iff., adding the new linc io6a. Space precludes detailcd comment on various points. In LKI, 3, io6 read qa-tui!-Iu. 31 Ilus LKA, 3-   When the dread fourfold wind he" created, Thy vitals were diluted and so we can have no rest. Let Apsu, thy consort, be in thy mind" And Mummu, who has been vanquished! Thou art left alone ! [] thou pacest about distraught, [without ce]ase. Thou dost not love us! [] pinched are our eyes, (120) []without cease. Let us have rest! [to batt]le. Do thou avenge them! [] and render (them) as the wind!" [When] Tiamat [heard] (these) words, she was pleased:"40 [] you have given. Let us make monsters, [] and the gods in the mid [St ... ]. [let s do] battle and against the gods[]!" They thronged nd marched at the side of Tiamat.   Enraged, they plot without cease night and day, They are set for combat, growling, raging, (130) They form a council to prepare for the fight. Mother Hubur," she who fashions all things, Added matchless weapons, bore monster-serpents, Sharp of tooth, unsparing of tang. [With venom] for blood she has filled their bodies. Roaring dragons she has clothed with terror, Has crowned them with haloes, making them like gods, So that he who beholds them shall perish abjectly, (And) that, with their bodies reared up, none might turn [them back]." She set up the Viper, the Dragon, and the Sphinx, (I40) The Great-Lion, the Mad-Dog, and the Scorpion-Man, Mighty lion-demons, the Dragon-Fly, the Centaur- Bearing weapons that spare not, fearless in battle. Firm were her decrees, past withstanding were they. Withal eleven of this kind she brought [forth]. From among the gods, her first-born, who formed [her Assembly],   She elevated Kin , made him chief amoiig them.   gu The leading of the ranks, command of the Assembly, The raising of weapons for the encounter, advancing to combat, In battle the command-in-chief- (150) These" to his hand she entrusted as she seated him in the Council: "I have cast for thee the spell, exalting thee in the Assembly of the gods. To counsel all the gods I have given thee full power." Verily, thou art supreme, my only consort art thou!   38 Apparently Anu, to judge from LK,4, 339 Lit. "heart." 40 Reading i-lib with F. Delitzsch, 4fO, vi (I 930-31), 222. 41 For this term, which in its application to a goddess represents in effect a female counterpart of Ea, cf. 1. J. Gelb, Hu@ns and Subarians (z944), 92 ff. and E. A. Speiser, 1,40S, LXVIII (1948), 12. 42 Lit. "turn back their breasts." Anodier possibility is "they will not turn back." For lines 132-139, which recur several times later on, cf. Th. Jacobsen, in The Intellectual Adventure of 4@ent Man (1946), 175-6. The entire epic is reviewed, and various passages are translated, ib;d. 172 ff. 43 Rcndering in this f2shion the particle -ma. 44 Ile literal translation of this idiomatic phr2se is "Into thy hand (s) I have chargcd (filled)."   63 Thy utterance shall prevail over all the Anunnaki!" She gave him the Tablets of Fate, fastened on his breast: "As for thee, thy command shall be unchangeable, [Thy word] shall endure!" As soon as Kingu was elevated, possessed of [the rank of Anu], For the gods, his" sons, [they" decreed] the fate: "Your word shall make the fire subside, (i6o) Shall humble the 'Power-Weapon,' so potent in (its) sweep!""   Tablet II   When Tiamat had thus lent import to her handiwork, She prepared for battle against the gods, her offspring. To avenge Apsu, Tiamat wrought evil. That she was girding for battle, was divulged to Ea. As soon as Ea heard of this matter, He lapsed into dark silence and sat right still. Then, on further thought, his anger subsided, To Anshar, his (fore) father he betook himself. When he came before his grandfather, Anshar, All that Tiamat had plotted to him he repeated: (IO) "My father, Tiamat, she who bore us, detests US. She has set up the Assembly" and is furious with rage. All the gods have rallied to her; Even those whom you brought forth march at her side. They throng and march at the side of Tiamat, Enraged, they plot without cease night and day. They are set for combat, growling, raging, They have formed a council to prepare for the fight. Mother Hubur, she who fashions all things, Has added matchless weapons, has born monster-serpents, Sharp of tooth, unsparing of fang. With venom for blood she has filled their bodies. Roaring dragons she has clothed with terror, Has crowned them with haloes, making them like gods, So that he who beholds them shall perish abjectly, (And) that, with their bodies reared up, none might turn them back. She has set up the Viper, the Dragon, and the Sphinx, The Great-Lion, the Mad-Dog, and the Scorpion-Man, Mighty lion-demons, the Dragon-Fly, the CentaurBearing weapons that spare not, fearless in battle. (30) Firm are her decrees, past withstanding are they. Withal eleven of this kind she has brought forth. From among the gods, her first-born, who formed her Assembly,   45 Var. "her." 46 Tiamat and Kingu. 47 The word play of the original galru : maglaru is difficult to reproduc For this passage see A. L Oppenheim, Orientalia, xvi (1947), 2 1 9. I retain, however, kit-mu-ru iri place of Oppenheim's lit-mu-ru. 48 For the all-important placc of the pubrum or "assembly" in Mesopotamian society, celestial as well as human, cf. Th. Jacobsen, Primitive Democracy in Mesopotamia, INES, 11 (1943), 159 ff., and my remarks on Some Sources of Intellectual and Social Progress in the Ancient Near East, Studies in the History of Culture (I942), 51 ff. When used in its technical scnse, the word has been capit2lized in this transla6on.   She has elevated Kingu, has made him chief among them. The leading of the ranks, command of the Assembly, The raising of weapons for the encounter, advancing to combat, In battle the cominand-in-chief- These" to his hands [she entrusted] as she seated him in the Council: '[1 have cast the spell] for thee, exalting thee in the Assembly of the gods. [To counsel all the] gods [I have given thee] full power." (40) [Verily, thou art supreme, my only consort] art thou! [Thy utterance shall prevail over all the Anun]naki!' [She has given him the Tablets of Fate, fastened on his breast]: '[As for thee, thy command shall be unchangeable], They word shall endure!' [As soon as Kingu was elevated], possessed of the rank of Anu, [For the gods, her" sons, they decreed the fate: '[Your word] shall make the fire subside, Shall humble the "Power-Weapon," [so potent in (its) sweep! ] ' " [When Anshar heard that Tiamat] was sorely troubled, [He smote his loins" and] bit his lips. (50) [Gloomy was his heart], restless his mood. [He covered] his [mouth] to stifle his outcry:" "f ] battle. [The weapon thou hast made], up, bear thou! [Lo, Mummu and] Apsu thou didst slay. [Now, slay thou Kin]gu, who marches before her. f ] wisdom." [Answered the counselor of] the gods, Nudimmud. (The reply of Ea-Nudimmud is lost in the break. Apparently, Ea had no remedy, for Anshar next turns to Anu:) [To Anu,] his son, ra word] he addressed: "[ ] this, the most puissant of heroes, Whose strength [is outstanding], past resisting his onslaught. [Go] and stand thou up to Tiamat, That her mood [be calmed], that her heart expand. rlf ] she will not hearken to thy word, Then tell her our [word], that she might be calmed." When [he heard] the command of his father, Anshar, [He made straight] for her way, following the road to her. (8o) [But when Anu was near (enough) I to see the plan of Tiamat, [He was not able to face her and] he turned back. [He came abjectly to his father], Anshar. [As though he uere Tiamat" thus he] addressed him:   49 cf. note 47. 50 Tablet 1, 159 has "his." 51 As a sign of distress. 52 Cf. Oppenheim, loc. Cit., 220, n.i. Note also the intransitive forms ofthis verb in the Legend ol Zu (below), A 23, B 52. 53 The suffix -@i in the next line makes it apparent that the statement addressed to Anshar is an cxact quotation of Anu's previous speech to Tiamat. The context bears out this interpretation.     "My hand [suffi]ces not for me to subdue thee." Speechless was Anshar as he stared at the ground, Hair on edge, shaking his head at Ea. All the Anunnaki gathered at that place; Their lips closed tight, [they sat] in silence. "No god" (thought they) "can go [to battle and], (90) Facing Tiamat, escape [with his life]." Lord Anshar, father of the gods, [rose up] in grandeur, And having pondered in his heart, he [said to the Anunnaki]: "He whose [strength] is potent shall be [our] avenger, He who is keen in battle, Marduk, the hero I" Ea called [Marduk] to his place of seclusion. [Givling counsel, he told him what was in his heart:" "O Marduk, consider my advice. Hearken to thy father, For thou art my son who comforts his" heart. When facing Anshar, approach as though in combat; (loo) Stand up as thou speakest; seeing thee, he will grow restful." The lord rejoiced at the word of his father; He approached and stood up facing Anshar. When Anshar saw him, his heart filled with joy. He kissed his lips, his (own) gloom dispelled. "[Ansharl, be not muted; open wide thy lips. I will go and attain thy heart's desire. [Ansharl, be not muted; open wide thy lips. I will go and attain thy heart's desire! What male is it who has pressed his fight against thee? [It is but] Tiamat, a woman, that flies at thee witn   weapons! [O my father-]creator, be glad and rejoice; The neck of Tiamat thou shalt soon tread upon! [O my father-]creator, be glad and rejoice; [The neck] of Tiamat thou shalt soon tread upon!" "My son, (thou) who knowest all wisdom, Calm [Tiamat] with thy holy spell. On the storm-ch[ariot] proceed with al speed. From her [presence] @ey shall not drive (thee)! Turn (them) back!" The lord [rejoiced] at the word of his father. (120) His heart exulting, he said to his father: "Creator of the gods, destiny of the great gods, If I indeed, as your avenger, Am to vanquish Tiamat and save your lives, Set up the Assembly, proclaim supreme my destiny! When jointly in Ubshukinna" you have sat down re-   joicing, Let my word, instead of you, determine the fates. Unalterable shall be what I may bring into being; Neither recalled nor changed shall be the command of my lips." Tablet III   Anshar opened his mouth and   54 Reading: (iml -li-ka-ma ak lib-bi-la i-ta-mi-lu. 55 i.e. his father's. 56'Me Assembly Hall.   (I lo?   To Gaga, his vizier, a word he addressed: "O Gaga, my vizier, who gladdenest my spirit, To Lahmu and Lahamu I will dispatch thee. Thou knowest discernment, art adept at fine talk; The gods, thy fathers, produce thou before me! Let all the gods proceed hither, Let them hold converse, sit down to a banquet, Let them eat festive bread, poured" wine; For Marduk, their avenger, let them fix the decrees. (Io) Be on thy way, Gaga, take the stand before them, And that which I shall tell thee repeat thou unto them: 'Anshar, your son, has sent me hither, Charging me to give voice to [the dictates] of his heart, [Saying]: "Tiamat, she who bore us, detests us. She has set up the [Assembly] and is furious with rage. All the gods have rallied to her; Even those whom you brought forth march at her side. They throng and march at the side of Tiamat. Enraged, they plot without cease night and day. (20) They are set for combat, growling, raging, They have formed a council to prepare for the fight. Mother Hubur, she who fashions all things, Has added matchless weapons, has born monstcr-serpents, Sharp of tooth, unsparing of fang. With venom for blood she has filled their bodies. Roaring dragons she has clothed with terror, Has crowned them with haloes, making them like gods, So that he who beholds them shall perish abjectly, (And) that, with their bodies reared up, none might turn them back. (30) She has set up the Viper, the Dragon, and the Sphinx, The Great-Lion, thelMad-Dog, and the Scorpion-Man, Mighty lion-demons, the Dragon-Fly, the Centaur- Bearing weapons that spare not, fearless in battle. Firm are her decrees, past withstanding are they. Withal eleven of this kind she has brought forth. From among the gods, her first-born, who formed [her Assembly], She has elevated Kingu, has made [him] chief among them. The leading of the ranks, [command of the Assembly], The raising of weapons for the encounter, ad[vancing to combat], (40) In battle the comm[andl-in-chief- These to his hands [she entrusted] as she se[ated him in the Council]: '[1 have] cast the spell for thee, [exalting thee] in the Assembly of the gods. To counsel all the gods [I have given thee full power]. [Verily], thou art supreme, my [only consort art thou] I Thy utterance shall prevail over all the [Anunnakil!' She has given him the Tablets of Fate, [fastened on his] breast:   57 This usc of patdqu is attestcd for metallurgy.     'As for thee, thy command shall be unchangeable, Thy word shall endure!' As soon as Kingu was elevated, possessed of the rank of Anu,   For the gods, her sons, they decreed the fate: (50) 'Your word shall make the fire subside, Shall humble the "Power-Weapon," so potent in (its) sweep I' I sent forth Anu; he could not face her. Nudimmud was afraid and turned back. Forth came Marduk, the wisest of gods, your son, His heart having prompted him to set out to face Tiamat. He opened his mouth, saying unto me: 'If I indeed, as your avenger, Am to vanquish Tiamat and save your lives, Set up the Assembly, proclaim supreme my destiny! (6o) When jointly in Ubshukinna you have sat down rejoicing, Let my word, instead of you, determine the fates. Unalterable shall be what I may bring into being; Neither recalled nor changed shall be the command of my lips l' Now hasten hither and promptly fix for him your decrees, That he may go forth to face your mighty foe!" Gaga departed, proceeding on his way. Before Lahmu and Lahamu, the gods, his fathers, He made obeisance, kissing the ground at their feet. He bowed low as he took his place to address them: (7o) "It was Anshar, your son, who has sent me hither, Charging me to give voice to the dictates of his heart, Saying: 'Tiamat, she who bore us, detests us. She has set up the Assembly and is furious with rage. All the gods have rallied to her Even those whom you brought forth march at her side. They throng and march at the side of Tiamat. Enraged, they plot without cease night and day. They are set for combat, growling, raging, They have formed a council to prepare for the fight. (8o) Mother Hubur, she who fashions all things, Has added matchless weapons, has bom monster-serpents, Sharp of tooth, unsparing of fang. With venom for blood she has filled their bodies, Roaring dragons she has clothed with terror, Has crowned them with haloes, making them like gods, So that he who beholds them shall perish abjcctly, (And) that, with their bodies reared up, none might turn them back. She has set up vipers," dragons, and sphinxes,   Great-lions, mad-dogs, and scorpion-men, (9) Mighty lion-demons, dragon-flies, and centaurs-   58 In view of the plurals in this passage (one text, however, retains the singulars), the names of the moiisters are this time given in lower case.   Bearing weapons that spare not, fearless in battle. Firm are decrees, past withstanding are they. Withal eleven of this kind she has brought forth. From among the gods, her first-born, who formed her Assembly, She has elevated Kingu, has made him chief among them. The leading of the ranks, command of the Assembly, The raising of weapons for the encounter, advancing to combat, In battle the command-in-chief- These to his hands she has entrusted as she seated him in the Council: (100)   'I have cast the spell for thee, exalting thee in the Assembly of the gods. To counsel all the gods I have given thee full power. Verily, thou art supreme, my only consort art thou! Thy utterance shall prevail over all the Anunnaki!' She has given him the Tablets of Fate, [fastened on his breast]: 'As for thee, thy command shall be unchangeable, Thy word shall endure] I' As soon as Kingu was elevated, [possessed of the rank of Anul, For the gods, her sons, [they decreed the fate]: 'Your word shall make the fire subside,   [Shall humble the "Power-]Weapon," so potent in (its) sweep!'   I sent forth Anu; he could not [face her]. Nudimmud was afraid [and turned back]. Forth came Marduk, the wisest [of gods, your son], [His heart having prompted him to set out] to face Tiamat. He opened his mouth, [saying unto me]: 'If I indeed, [as your avenger], Am to vanquish Tiamat [and save your lives], Set up the Assembly, [proclaim supreme my destiny]! When in Ubshukinna [jointly you sit down rejoicing], Let my word, instead of [you, determine the fates].   Unalterable shall be what [I] may bring into being; Neither recalled nor changed shall be the command [of my lips]!' Now hasten hither and promptly [fix for him] your decrees, That he may go forth to face your mighty foe!" When Lahmu and Lahamu heard this, they cried out aloud, All the Igigi" wailed in distress: "How strange" that they should have made [this] de-   cision!   We cannot fathom the doings of Tiamat!" They made ready" to leave on their journey,   All the great gods who decree the fates. (1130)   They entered before Anshar, filling [Ubshukinnal. They kissed one another in the Assembly.   59 The heavenly deities. 60 Lit. "What has turned strange?" 61 cf. Oppenheim, Oyie@ia, xvi (1947), 223.       They held converse as they [sat down] to the banquet. They ate festive bread, poured [the wine], They wetted their drinking-tubes" with sweet mtoxicant. As thev drank the strong drink, [their] bodies swelled. They @ecame very languid as their spirits rose. For Marduk, their avenger, they fixed the decrees. Tablet IV They erected for him a princely throne. Facing his fathers, he sat down, presiding." "Thou art the most honored of the great gods, Thy decree is unrivaled, thy command is Anu." Thou, Marduk, art the most honored of the great gods, Thy decree is unrivaled, thy word is Anu. From this day unchangeable shall be thy pronouncement. To raise or bring low-these shall be (in) thy hand. Thy utterance shall be true, thy command shall be unimpeachable. No one among the gods shall transgress thy bounds! (Io) Adornment being wanted for the seats of the gods, Let the place of their shrines ever be in thy place. 0 Marduk, thou art indeed our avenger. We have granted thee kingship over the universe entire. When in Assembly thou sittest, thy word shall be supreme. Thy weapons shall not fail; they shall smash thy foes! 0 lord, spare the life of him who trusts thee, But pour out the life of the god who seized evil." Having placed in their midst a piece of cloth, They addressed themselves to Marduk, their first-born: (20) "Lord, truly thy decree is first among gods. Say but to wreck or create; it shall be. Open thy mouth: the cloth will vanish! Speak again, and the cloth shall be whole!" At the word of his mouth the cloth vanished. He spoke again, and the cloth was restored. 65 When the gods, his fathers, saw the fruit of his word, joyfully they did homage: "Marduk is king!"   They conferred on him scepter, throne, and vestment; They gave him matchless weapons that ward off the foes: (30) "Go and cut off the life of Tiamat. May the winds bear her blood to places undisclosed." Bel's destiny thus fixed, the gods, his fathers, Caused him to go the way of success and attainment. He constructed a bow, marked it as his weapon, Attached thereto the arrow, fixed its bow-cord. He raised the mace, made his right hand grasp it; Bow and quiver he hung at his side. In front of him he set the lightning,   62 The term r,#um "tube, pipe" refers here obviously to the drinking-tubes Which are pictured commonly in representations of banquets. 63 Lit. "for advising."   64 i.e. it has the authority of the sky-god Anu. 65 Lit. "outcome of his mouth."   With a blazing flame he filled his body. (40) He then made a net to enfold Tiamat therein. The four winds he stationed that nothing of her might escape, The South Wind, the North Wind, the East Wind, the West Wind. Close to his side he held the net, the gift of his father, Anu. He brought forth Imhullu "the Evil Wind," the Whirlwind, the Hurricane, The Fourfold Wind, the Sevenfold Wind, the Cyclone, the Matchless Wind; Then he sent forth the winds he had brought forth, the seven of them. To stir up the inside of Tiamat they rose up behind him. Then the lord raised up the flood-storm, his mighty weapon. He mounted the storm-chariot irresistible land] terrifying. (50) He harnessed (and) yoked to it a team-of-four, The Killer, the Relentless, the Trampler, the Swift. Sharp were their teeth, hearing poison. They were versed in ravage, in destruction skilled. On his right he posted the Smiter, fearsome in battle, On the left the Combat, which repels all the zealous." For a cloak he was wrapped in an armor of terror;" With his fearsome halo his head was turbaned. The lord went forth and followed his course, Towards the raging Tiamat he set his face. (6o) in his lips he held a spell;" A plant to put out poison was grasped in his hand. Then they milled about him, the gods milled about him, The gods, his fathers, milled about him, the gods milled about him. e lord approached to scan the inside of Tiamat, (And) of Kingu, her consort, the scheme to perceive. As he looks on, his course becomes upset, His will is distracted and his doings are confused. And when the gods, his helpers, who marched at his side, Saw the valiant hero, blurred became their vision. (70) Tiamat emitted [a cry]," without turning her neck, Framing" savage" defiance in her lips:" "Too [implortant art thou [for]" the lord of the gods to rise up against thee!   66 These two lines, hitherto obscured by breaks, havc been filled out and clarified by the fragment transliterated in 4natolian Studies, ii (1952), 27; cf. LK,4, 6. 61 The assonance of the original, viz. nablapti aplubti pulhdti halipma, cannot be readily reproduced; for the passagc cf. LK,4, 6. 68 Sce now 4natolian Studies, ii, 28.   69 cf. E. Weidner, AIO, iii (1926), 123 for the reading [rigmla, although [tdlla "her incantation" is not impossible. For lines 64-83 see the fragment published by Weidncr, ibid., 122-24.   TO For a close semantic parallel cf. judg. i2:6.   71 To give lullfi the same sense as in Tablet VI, 6-7, and Gilg. 1, iv 7. 72 Tiamat's taunt, as rccorded in the next two lines, is not transparently   clear.   73 Reading (kalb-ta-tta a?-nla la, cf. CT, xiii, x7; the third sign does not appear to be adequately reproduced in Deimel, Enuma Eli!, 17, and the fifth sign cannot be read Iii (for fnla) as is done by Labat, PBC, I28.     Is it in their place that they have gathered, (or) in thy place?" Thereupon the lord, having [raised) the flood-storm, his mighty weapon, [TO] enraged [Tiamat] he sent word as follows: "Why art thou risen," art haughtily exalted, Thou hast charged thine own heart to stir up conflict, ... sons reject their own fathers, Whilst thou who hast born them, hast foresworn love! (8o) Thou hast appointed Kingu as thy consort, Conferring upon him the rank of Anu, not rightfully his." Against Anshar, king of the gods, thou seekest evil; [Against] the gods, my fathers, thou hast confirmed thy wickedness. [Though] drawn up be thy forces, girded on thy weapons, Stand thou up, that I and thou meet in single combat!" When Tiamat heard this She was like one possessed; she took leave of her senses. In fury Tiamat cried out aloud. To the roots her legs shook both together." (90) She recites a charm, keeps casting her spell, While the gods of battle sharpen their weapons. Then joined issue Tiamat and Marduk, wisest of gods. They strove" in single combat, locked in battle. The lord spread out his net to enfold her, The Evil Wind, which followed behind, he let loose in her face.   When Tiamat opened her mouth to consume him, He drove in the Evil Wind that she close not her lips. As the fierce winds charged her belly, Her body was distended" and her mouth was wide open. He released the arrow, it tore her belly, It cut through her insides, splitting the heart. Having thus subdued her, he extinguished her life. He cast down her carcass to stand upon it. After he had slain Tiamat, the leader, Her band was shattered, her troupe broken up; And the gods, her helpers who marched at her side, Trembling with terror, turned their backs about, In order to save and preserve their lives. Tightly encircled, they could not escape. He made them captives and he smashed their weapons. Thrown into the net, they found themselves ensnared; Placed in cells, they were filled with wailing; Bearing his wrath, they were held imprisoned.   74 For line' 76-83 cf. now Anatolian StUdieS, 11, 28 as wcll as the Wcidner fragment cited in n. 69. The first (Gurncy fragment) Supplies the part, which were missing in the Weidner fragment@orrecting some of the guesses of modern interpreters. 11 The correction of -ya to -lu, which I proposed in the first edition of ,4NET, is borne out by the Gurney fragment. 16 For malmaiii cf. J. Lewy, Qrientalia, xi (1942), 336, n.i; H. G. Giiterbock, AIO, xiii (1939), 48-- 1 77 Reading id-lu-bu, with Heidel, BG, 3o, n-84, but translating the verb in the scnse established in ICS, v (zg5z), 64 ff. 78 cf. Heidel, BG, 3o, n.85.   And the eleven creatures which she had charged with awe, The band of demons that marched before her, He cast into fetters, their hands f... For all their resistance, he trampled @them) underfoot. And Kingu, who had been made chief among them, He bound and accounted him to Uggae.7" (120) He took from him the Tablets of Fate, not rightfully his, Sealed (them) with a seal" and fastened (them) on his breast. When he had vanquished and subdued his adversaries, Had . . . the vainglorious foe, Had wholly established Anshar's triumph over the foe, Nudimmud's desire had achieved, valiant Marduk Strengthened his hold on the vanquished gods, And turned back to Tiamat whom he had bound. The lord trod on the legs of Tiamat, With his unsparing mace he crushed her skull. (130) When the arteries of her blood he had severed, The North Wind bore (it) to places undisclosed. On seeing this, his fathers were jovful and jubilant, They brought gifts of homage, they to him. Then the lord paused to view her dead body, That he might divide the monster and do artful works. He split her like a shellfish into two parts: Half of her he set up and ceiled it as sky, Pulled down the bar and posted guards. He bade them to allow not her waters to escape. (140) He crossed the heavens and surveyed the regions. He squared Apsu's quarter,"' the abode of Nudimmud, As the lord measured the dimensions of Apsu. The Great Abode, its likeness, he fixed as Esharra, The Great Abode, Esharra, which he made as the firmament. Anu, Enlil, and Ea he made occupy their places.   Tablet V   He constructed stations for the great gods, Fixing their astral likenesses as constellations. He determined the year by designating the zones: He set up three constellations for each of the twelve months. After defining the days of the year [by means] of (heavenly) figures, He founded the station of Nebiru" to determine their (heavenly) bands, That none might transgress or fall short. Alongside it he set up the stations of Enlil and Ea. Having opened up the gates on both sides, He strengthened the locks to the left and the right. (10)   79 God of death. 80 This was an essential act of attestation in Mesopotamian society. 81 For this rendering cf. A. Schott, ZA, XLII (I934), 137. 82 i.e. the planet Jupiter. This station was taken to lie between the band (riksu; cf. 1. 6) of the north, which belonged to Enlil, and the band of the south, which belonged to Ea.       In her" belly he established the zenith. The Moon he caused to shine, the night (to him) entrusting. He appointed him a creature of the night to signify the days: "Monthly, without cease, form designs with a crown. At the month's very start, rising over the land, Thou shalt have luminous horns to signify six days, On the seventh day reaching a [half ]-crown. At full moon" stand in opposition" in mid-month. When the sun [overtakes] thee at the base of heaven, Diminish [thy crown] and retrogress in light. (20) [At the time of disappearance] approach thou the course of the sun, And [on the twenty-ninth] thou shalt again stand in opposition to the sun."   (The remainder of this tablet is broken away or too fragmentary for translation.)   Tablet VI   When Marduk hears the words of the gods, His heart prompts (him) to fashion artful works. Opening @is mouth, he addresses Ea To impart the plan he had conceived in his heart: "Blood I will mass and cause bones to be. I will establish a savage," 'man' shall be his name. Verily, savage-man I will create. He shall be charged with the service of the gods That they might be at case! The ways of the gods I will artfully alter. Though alike revered, into two (groups) they shall be divided." (IO)   Ea answered him, speaking a word to him, Giving him another plan for the relief of the gods: "Let but one of their brothers be handed over; He alone shall perish that mankind may be fashioned." Let the eat gods be here in Assembly, Letthe over that they may endure." Marduk e great gods to Assembly; Presiding" graciously, he issues instructions. To his utterance the gods pay heea." The king addresses a word to the Anunnaki: (20) "If your former statement was true,   83 Tiamat's. 84 Akkadian lopattu, the prototype of the "Sabbath" in so far as the injunctions against all types of activity are concerned. 85 i.e. with regard to the sun. This vcrb was a technical term in Baby- lonian astronomy.   86.For this value of the term, probably a derivative of the ethnic name LU8161U,Ocf. B. Landsbcrger, Klei@atische Forschungen, 1 (1929) ' 321-334 and MAOG, iv (1928), 32o, n. 2; also E. A. Speiser, Mesopotamian Oligins (1930), 95, n. 35. Tlat the Lullu were linkcd by Akkadian sources with th remote and dim past may be gathered from the evidence which I listed inel.40S, Lxviii (1948), 8, as well as from the fact that the flood ship (Gilg., XI, I 40) lands on Mount Nisir, in Lullu country. : 87 out of his blood.   88 Lit. "ordering."   89 Reading u-paq-qu-ul! (var. -lul), with W. von Soden, Z   (1942), 3. Von Soden's notes on the remainder of Tablct VI and on Tablet VII, together with his translation of the hitherto unknown or obscure parts of Tablet VII-based on new fragments and on corrected readings of the text published by E. Ebcling in MAOG, xii (x939), part 4-(See loc. cit., 1-26) have proved very illuminating, as may be seen from the numerous references below; see now LX.4, 7 and 8.     Do (now) the truth on oath by me declare!" Who was it that contrived the uprising, And made Tiamat rebel, and joined battle Let him be handed over who contrived the uprising. His guilt I will make him bear. You shall dwell in peacel" The Igigi, the great gods, replied to him, To Lugaldimmerankia," counselor of the gods, their lord:" "It was Kingu who contrived the uprising, And made Tiamat rebel, and joined battle." (30) They bound him, holding him before Ea. They imposed on him his guilt and severed his blood (vessels). Out of his blood they fashioned mankind. He" imposed the service and let free the gods. After Ea, the wise, had created mankind, Had imposed upon it the service of the god&That work was beyond comprehension; As artfully planned by Marduk, did Nudimmud create it- Marduk, the king of the gods divided All the Anunnaki above and below." (40) He assigned (them) to Anu to guard his instructions. Three hundred in the heavens he stationed as a guard. In like manner the ways of the earth he defined. In heaven and on earth six hundred (thus) he settled. After he had ordered all the instructions, To the Anunnaki of heaven and earth had allotted their portions, The Anunnaki opened their mouths And said to Marduk, their lord: "Now," 0 lord, thou who hast caused our deliverance, What shall be our homage to thee? (50) Let us build a shrine whose name shall be called 'Lo' a chamber for our nightly rese; let us repose in itl Let us build a throne, a recess for his abode!" On the day that we arrive" we shall repose in it." When Marduk heard this, Brightly glowed his features, like the day: "Like that of lofty Babylon, whose building you have requested, Let its brickwork be fashioned. You shall name ie"The Sanctuary."' The Anunnaki applied the implement; For one whole year they molded bricks. (6o) When the second year arrived,   90 cf. Oppenheim, Orientalia, xvl (I947), 234.   91 "The king of the gods of heaven and earth." 92 For lines 28-50 see the fragment published by E. Weidner in .410, xi (1936) 72-74. This material was not available to Labat; von Soden's additions (cf. note 89) came too late to be utilized by Heidel. 93 Ea. 94 Here and elsewhere in this epic the Anunnaki are understood to be the celestial gods (normally Igigi) as well as those of the lower regions. 1 95 Not "O Nannar," as translated by some. For this rebus writing signify-   ing inanna "now" cf. lfO, xi (1936), 73- . 91, Reading a-larl-lu, with v. Soden, lOc- at-, 4, For the New Year's fcstival.   98 For this and the preceding line cf. v. Soden, loc. cit.     They raised high the head" of Esagila equaling Apsu." Having built a stage-tower as high as Apsu, They set up in it an abode for Marduk, Enlil, (and) Ea In their presence he adorned (it) in grandeur."' To the base of Esharra... its horns look down. After they had achieved the building of Esagila, The Anunnaki themselves erected their shrines. all of them gathered, they had built as his dwelling. (70) The gods, his fathers, at his banquets' he seated: "This is Babylon, the place that is your home!'O' Make merry in its precincts occupy its broad [places]."" The great gods took their seats, They set up festive drink, sat down to a banquet. After they had made merry within it,   In Esagila, the splendid, had erformed their rites,'O' p   The norms had been fixed (and) all [their] portents, All the gods apportioned the stations of heaven and earth.'O' The fifty great gods took their seats. (8o) The seven gods of destiny set up the three hundred [in heaven]."' Enlil raised the bo[w, his wea]pon,"' and laid (it) before them. The gods, his fathers, saw the net he had made. When they beheld the bow, how skillful its shape, His fathers praised the work he had wrought.   Raising (it), Anu s oke up in the Assembly of the gods,   p As he kissed the bow: "This is my daughter!" He named the names of the bow as follows: "Longwood is the first, the second is [... ] ; Its third name is Bow-Star, in heaven I have made (go) it shine." (Lines 86-i 12, hitherto largely or wholly destroyed, have now been filled in by another Sultantepe duplicate; cf. Gurney, 4natolian Studies, 11, 33. A translation of lines gi-io4 will be found in the Addenda. Labat's assumed line 98 is to be deleted, following von Soden, Z,4, XL (i932), i6q, but his line count has been retained for convenience.) "Most exalted be the Son, our avenger; Let his sovereignty be surpassing, having no rival. May he shepherd the black-headed ones,"' his creatures. To the end of days, without forgetting, let them acclaim his ways. May he establish for his fathers the great food-offerings; Their support they shall furnish, shall tend their sanctuaries.     99 A play on the sense of Sumerian "Esagila." 100 Meaning 2pparently that the height of Esagila coupon to the depth of Apsii's waters. 101 cf. v' Soden, loc. cii. 102 ib;d. 103 ibid. 104 Var. "which you love," a virtual homonym of "your homc" in Akkadian. 105 V. Soden, 1". cit., 6. 106 ibid. 107 iba. 108 ibid. 109 ibid.   110 A common Akkadian metaphor for "the human race." In the preceding line the term enfita has been taken to reflect the primary sense of Sumerian c n 'lord" r2ther th2n "high priesl"           May he cause incense to be smelled, . . . their spells, A likeness on earth of what he has wrought in heaven. May he order the black-headed to re[ vere him], May the subjects ever bear in mind their god, And may they at his word.pay heed... to the goddess. May food-offerings be home for their gods and goddesses. Without fail let them support their gods! Their lands let them improve, build their shrines, Let the black-headed wait on their gods. (120) As for us, by however many names we pronounce, he is our god! Let us then proclaim his fifty names:...   'He whose ways are orious, whose deeds are likewise, 91   (1) MARDUK, as Ann, his father,"' called him from his birth;... Who provides grazing and drinking places, enriches their stalls, Who with the flood-storm, his weapon, vanquished the detractors, (And) who the gods, his fathers, rescued from distress. Truly, the Son of the Sun,"' most radiant of gods is he. In his brilliant light may they walk forever! On the people he brought forth, endowed with li[fe],   (1@30) The service of the gods he imposed that these may have ease. Creation, destruction, deliverance, grace- Shall be by his command."' They shall look up to him! (2) MARUKKA verily is the god, creator of all, Who gladdens the heart of the Anunnaki, appeases their [spirits]. (3) MARUTUKKU verily is the refuge of the land, proftection of its people]. Unto him shall the' people give praise. (4) BARASHAKUSHU... stood up and took hold of its... reins; Wide is his heart, warm his sympathy. (5) LUCALDIMMFRANKIA is his name which we proclaimed in our Assembly. (140) His commands we have exalted above the gods, his fathers. Verily, he is lord of all the gods of heaven and earth, The king at whose discipline the gods above and below are in mourning.""   111 v. Soden, loc. cit., 7 reads i-piq-qu; but note Gurney, ad loc. 112 A penetrating discussion of these names has been furnished by F. M. Th. B6hl in 410, xl (1936), 191-2z8. The text etymologizes the names in a manner made familiar by the Bible; the etymol<)gies, which accompany virtually evcry name on the long list are meant to be cabalistic and symbolic rather than strictly linguistic, although some of thcm happen to be linguistically sound. The name count has in each casc been indicated in parentheses.   113 Here and elsewhere "father" is used for "grandfather" or "ancestor." 114 Lit. "emergence." 115 cf. T2blet 1, 101-02. 116 Reading ba!-Ii-ma in this line and a-bal-lu in the line above, with V. Soden, loc. c*., 7. For nanna "command" see Z,4, XLIV (1938), 42. 117 Var. SHUDUNSHAKUSHE. 118 i.e. thosc of the land. 119 For the remainder of this tablet cf. the new fragment published by E. Ebcling in U,40G, xii (1939), part 4 and the rcmarks of W. v. Soden in Z-4, XLVII (1942), 7-8. cf. now LK.4, 7-     (6) NARI-LUGALDIMM@NKIA is the name of him Whom we have called the monitor"' of the gods; Who in heaven and on earth founds for us retreats"' in trouble, And who allots stations to the Igigi and Anunnaki. At his name the gods shall tremble and quake in retreat. (7) ASARULUDU is that name of his Which Amu, his father, proclaimed for him. He is truly the light of the gods, the mighty leader, Who, as the protecting deities"' of gods and land, (I5o) In fierce single combat saved our retreats in distress. Asaruludu, secondly, they have named (8) NAMTILLAKU, The god who maintains life,"' Who restored the lost gods, as though his own creation; The lord who revives the dead gods by his pure incantation, Who destroys the wayward foes. Let us praise his prowess!... Asaruludu, whose name was thirdly called (9) NAMRU, The shining god who illumines our ways.11 Three each @f his names"' have Anshar, Lahmu, and Lahamu proclaimed; Unto the gods, their sons, they did utter them: "We have proclaimed three each of his names. (i6o) Like us, do you utter his names!" joyfully the gods did heed their command, As in Ubshukinna their exchanged counsels: "Of the heroic son, our avenger, Of our supporter we will exalt the name!" They sat down in their Assembly to fashion"' destinies, All of them uttering his names in the sanctuary.   Tablet VII   (io) AsARu, bestower of cultivation, who established water letels; Creator of grain and herbs, who causes [vegetation to sprout]."' (II) ASARUALIM, who is honored in the place of counsel, [who excels in counsel]; To whom the gods hope,"' when pos[sessed of fear]. (I2) ASARUALIMNUNNA, the gracious, light of [the father, his begetter], Who directs the decrees of Anu, Enlil, [and Eal. He is their provider who assigns [their portions], Whose horned cap"" is plenty, multiply[ing ... Who banishes consternation from the body of the gods,   (I3) TUTU [is hel, who effects their restoration.   120 This vcrse confirms the equation of alir with Sumerian n a r i made by S. N. Kramer, BASOR, 79 (1940), 25, n. 25. The meaning "monitor" for this form 2nd "admonition, instruction" for alirta would seem to fit all known instances.     121 Lit. "seats."
CALVIN'S TRAINING AS AN
CALVIN'S TRAINING AS AN 2003-12-25 10:26:20 read : 11 INTERPRETER OF SCRIPTURE Prof. Dr. Myung Jun Ahn (Pyongtaek University) I. INTRODUCTION John Calvin was not born a great interpreter. But by God's providence he became one of the great interpreters of Scripture in the history of Christianity. In this article I shall investigate John Calvin as a great interpreter, and deal with how the young Calvin trod the path of learning, what, before his sudden conversion (subita conversio), he learned from the humanists and his masters at the colleges which he attended, and how he applied the humanistic methods to the interpretation of Scripture. 2. Calvin's Training Calvin was the greatest theologian among the Reformers, one of the foremost leaders in the history of Christianity, and among the most influential scholars in world history. Robert M. Kingdon introduces the Reformer to us as follows: John Calvin, a French theologian and ecclesiastical statement, was one of the most important leaders of the Protestant Reformation of the 16th century. Theological, ecclesiastical, and political ideas that he advanced in many publications, a model church that he created and many publications, a model church that he created and directed in the city of Geneva, and the assistance he provided to the political and intellectual leaders of several countries profoundly influenced the development of Protestantism in many parts of Europe and in North America. In order to illuminate Calvin's position as one of the greatest interpreters of Scripture, we first have to take cognisance of his educational background. John Calvin was born at Noyon, a celebrated town in Picardy in north eastern France, on July 10th in 1509. Noyon was once famous as the place where bishops like St. Merdad and St. Eloi lived, and where Charlemagne (later Holy Roman emperor) was crowned king of the western Frankish kingdom of Neustria in 768 and Hugh Capet, king of France and founder of the Capetian dynasty (which ruled directly until 1328), was also crowned in 987. Will Durant, an historian, relating Noyon to Calvin's idea of theocracy, says, "It was an ecclesiastical city, dominated by its cathedral and its bishop; here at the outset he had an example of theocracy - the rule of a society by clergymen in the name of God." The name of his father was Gerard Cauvin ("whose surname, latinized as 'Calvinus', became Calvin in French"), who was a man of hard and severe character. His mother, Joan Franc (Jeanne Lefrane), was noted for her personal beauty and great religious fervor and strictness. Both of them were persons of good repute in this town. Gerard had "a prominent position as apostolic secretary to the bishop of Noyon, proctor in the Chapter of the diocese, and fiscal procurator of the county." He was highly esteemed by the noble families in Noyon and had a good relationship with them. This close connection offered Calvin good circumstances to develop as a great exegete, as he did not have to worry about money. There were two important elements in his early training. First, the starting point of his illustrious career was the great ambition and the sacrificial support of his father. Although he never knew that his youngest son Calvin would become a great exegete, Gerard Cauvin, having ambition for his sons, made his son study the courses of the college of the Capettes in Noyon. It has not been known what courses Calvin studied in the college of his hometown. One would probably suppose that because the college had only a few professors, there were not academic courses like law, philosophy, rhetoric, and the original languages including Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. But not being satisfied with Calvin's attending this college, his father sent Calvin to the college of La Marche in Paris in 1523 when he was just fourteen years old. At that time, like other European cities, Paris also was buzzing with the fire of the Reformation set off by Luther in Wittenberg and Zwingli in Zurich. His father devoted his life to the education of Calvin, giving him a cathedral benefice. The devoted support of his father offered Calvin a great blessing. The fact that, unlike Luther, who had as a father, a miner, who did not want his son to be a monk, Calvin could live in good circumstances provided by his parents, gives us an important key to understanding the process of the life of Calvin as preparation for developing into a great interpreter of Scripture. Secondly, in the process of his becoming a great interpreter, the essential influence upon young Calvin was his friendships at the college of the Capettes in his hometown. At that time his native town, Noyon, was ruled by Charles de Hangest. From his childhood Calvin had come in touch with the sons of this family, especially with the sons of Montmor. In 1523, with three young men of the Hangest family, Calvin was sent to Paris. One of them was Claude de Hangest, Abbot of St. Eloi's at Noyon, to whom Calvin dedicated his commentary on the De Clementia of Seneca in Paris on April 4 in 1532. Calvin called him the most saintly and most wise prelate in his day. Williston Walker describes the situation in the hometown and the friendships of Calvin with them as follows: Quite as influential in the development of the boy's life as this instruction in the schoolroom of the Capettes were the friendships which he formed with his contemporaries among the sons of the noble family of Hangest, notably with those of Louis de Hangest, lord of Montmor, and of his brother, Adrien, lord of Genlis. To Claude, son of the nobleman last named, Calvin was, years later, to dedicate his first book, when Claude had become abbot of Saint-Eloi at Noyon. With Joachim and Ives, and a brother of theirs whose name is now lost, sons of the seigneur of Montmor, Calvin stood in intimate school fellowship; and his relations to these households of Montmor and Gelis seem indeed, to have been much closer than merely those of the schoolroom. Gerard's relationship with the noble family explains the fact that the young Calvin was "from a boy very liberally educated in the family of the Mommors, one of the most distinguished in that quarter." Afterwards a son of de Mommor followed Calvin to Geneva. Calvin's friendships played an important role in developing his humanistic study before his sudden conversion. This background of Calvin's education helped him to make rapid progress in learning, and let him acquire "a refinement of manners and a certain aristocratic air, which distinguished him from Luther and Zwingli." In an attempt to understand Calvin's intellectual development, one should keep in mind that before his theological studies, he first studied law with leading humanists. Therefore his hermeneutical method was influenced by his humanistic learning. Then Calvin learned from the humanists rhetoric, philosophy, and philology skills needed by a great interpreter of Scripture. The first steps in Calvin's development as an interpreter were set when he went to the college of La Marche. This college was imbued with a humanistic spirit with which Calvin now came into contact. Calvin fortunately had a chance to meet a famous professor in the college of La Marche. His name was Mathurin Cordier, the best Latin teacher in the country and one of the founders of modern pedagogy. He had a great influence upon Calvin who learned to read and to write Latin from him. He was also the first master who introduced Calvin to the philosophy of humanism and Christian piety. T. F. Torrance points out correctly that M. Cordier "not only laid the foundation of Calvin's education and taught Calvin the true method of learning, but imbued him with such a taste for literary studies that Calvin could trace the progress he made in later years to Cordier's instruction." When Calvin founded the Academy of Geneva in 1559, he provided Cordier with the position to instruct Latin. There he died at the age of eighty-five in the same year as Calvin did in 1564. Cordier's influence upon Calvin was demonstrated when Calvin dedicated to his old teacher his Commentary on the First Epistle to the Thessalonians on February 17th, 1550. Here Calvin called him "a man of eminent piety and learning, principal of the college Lausanne." Calvin expressed his heartfelt thanks as follows: It is befitting that you should come in for a share in my labors, inasmuch as, under your auspices, having entered on a course of study, I made proficiency at least so far as to be prepared to profit in some degree the Church of God. When my father sent me, while yet a boy, to Paris, after I had simply tasted the first elements of the Latin tongue, Providence so ordered it that I had, for a short time, the privilege of having you as my instructor, that I might be taught by you the true method of learning, in such a way that I might be prepared afterwards to make somewhat better proficiency. According to John T. McNeill, it was Cordier who let Calvin discover the delights of good learning and acquire that unfailing sense of style and diction that marked all his writings. Then under him Calvin learned "in large measure something that was to be one of his greatest assets: his style, so that Calvin could be both an excellent Latinist and a writer with the capability of expressing an elegant French." Later his Latin study made it possible that he could read the Fathers' writings and the rhetorical writings of Cicero and Quintilian. In Latin Calvin probably began to have a chance to understand the theological thoughts of the Fathers. From the writings of Cicero and Quintilian, Calvin also was able to learn the terms and the concepts of brevitas et facilitas, which had long been used by Plato and Aristotle in their rhetorical writings. Generally speaking, rhetoric is closely connected with the interpretation of Scripture because Scripture itself employs many rhetorical devices. C. J. Labuschagne writes, for instance, that there are many rhetorical questions in the Old Testament. As an example he indicates that especially when the author of Scripture expresses Yahweh's incomparability, such questions are employed. He writes as follows: Rhetorical questions are frequently used in the Old Testament to express the absolute power, uniqueness, singularity and incomparability of a person. The rhetorical question is one of the most forceful and effectual ways employed in speech for driving home some idea or conviction. Because of its impressive and persuasive effect the hearer is not merely listener: he is forced to frame the expected answer in his mind, and by doing so he actually becomes a co-expressor of the speaker's conviction. Some scholars argue that Paul's rhetoric was a focus of the Reformers like Luther, Melanchthon, and Calvin. The Reformers influenced by the Italian humanist Lorenzo Valla employed a rhetorical approach in their commentaries on the New Testament. On rhetorical method H. D. Betz argues that Paul's epistles had "classical categories of invention, arrangement, and style in mind." He also regards these as "an interpretive tool." Kennedy maintains that Matthew employed "rhetoric in the most comprehensive way, attending to invention, arrangement, style, and amplification." I shall have the opportunity later on to investigate rhetoric as one of the sources of Calvin's ideal of brevitas et facilitas. From the college of La Marche, Calvin was transferred by his father, for reasons we do not know, to the college of Montaigu at the end of 1523. Calvin made great progress in the formation of his intellect during his stay in this college. A. Ganoczy writes on Calvin's studies there: At Montaigau his studies probably consisted of logic, metaphysics, ethics, rhetoric and science, all of which were taught on the basis of Aristotle with the teachers drawing inspiration from authorities like Ockham, Buridan, Scotus and Thomas Aquinas. These studies were intended as prolegomena to theology and Calvin finished them at eighteen without having been able to begin the sacred sciences which consisted of a commentary on the Bible and the Sentences of Peter Lombard. He thus escaped the scholastic strait-jacket and kept his intellectual virginity for a humanist and soon a Lutheran interpretation of Catholic tradition. At the college of Montaigu there were a few famous scholars such as Beda, Antonio Coronel, and John Major. Probably Calvin began to hear of the Reformation of Luther and the humanistic school from them. A Spaniard, Antonio Coronel, taught Calvin the grammar course of Latin as well as philosophy. Through Antonio Coronel's Latin tuition, Calvin, therefore, having already learned Latin from Cordier, became one of the great Latin scholars in the 16th century. This did not only enable him to read the writings of philosophers, rhetoricians, and the Fathers, but also later on to write his Institutes of the Christian Religion and his commentaries in Latin. Here at Montaigu Calvin came into contact with Luther's thought albeit in the negative evaluation that Beda gave of it. Here also Calvin experienced the influence of John Major who taught him "direct knowledge of the Sentences of Peter Lombard and of the Occamist interpretation that he put upon them." Following F. Wendel, J. T. McNeill writes: It is highly likely that he came under the instruction of the celebrated Scot, John Major, or Mair, who returned to Paris in 1525 after a period of teaching in his native country. He was a very learned scholastic philosopher of the Ockhamist persuasion. Among his works were a valuable History of Greater Britain (1521) and a commentary on the Gospels (1529), in which he assailed the writings of Wycliffe, Huss, and Luther. It may be reasonably inferred that Calvin heard from his lips some of the material of the latter book before its publication; Major's lectures may indeed have given him his first substantial knowledge of Luther. In 1963 Karl Reuter on this issue dared to put forward the hypothesis that Major had a decisive influence on Calvin's intellectual development; that he introduced Calvin to a new conception of anti-Pelagian, Scotist theology, a renewed Augustinianism, and positivism in regard to Scripture. In contrast to him, A. Ganoczy and A. E. McGrath argue that Major's direct influence on Calvin's theology cannot be proved. It is, however, certain that Calvin knew a little of the theology of John Major. The period in the college of Montaigu was very important for Calvin because he could have a chance to master Latin, rhetoric, and philosophy. This training of Calvin was clearly expressed in his commentary on the De Clementia of Seneca and, after his conversion, in his interpretation of Scripture. The period in the college of Montaigu was significant, not as preparation for his role as a Reformer, but in that it exposed him to humanist thinking which had an impact on the method used by him for the exegesis of Scripture. Later his father, who originally intended him to study theology, changed his mind and ordered Calvin to study law because he expected Calvin to become a person with wealth and honor. But this second plan of his father to make him a good lawyer for a secure life, providentially turned out to be the best possible way for his future as an interpreter of the Bible. In order to be a lawyer, Calvin studied law and rhetoric from Peter De l'Etoile in the university of Orleans and from Andreas Alciati in the university of Bourges. By studying law, Calvin as a humanist learned the necessary method for the interpretation of an original text. A. E. McGrath argues that the sources of the hermeneutical method of Calvin was found in his study of law in the advanced atmosphere of Orleans and Bourges Calvin's legal training prepared him to accurately establish the intent of the author of Scripture and the genuine meaning of the text, and to consider the historical background. Donald K. McKim relates Calvin's studying law to his hermeneutical method as follows: As we have observed, humanist legal scholars were seeking direct access to the corpus of Roman law, not via learned authorities or traditions, but through the study of the history and social customs of ancient Rome. Such study gave them a direct understanding of the intentions and meanings of the legal texts. Calvin applied a similar concern for context to his work with Scripture. Circumstances and culture are always main ingredients to be understood as one seeks to interpret the Bible. . . . Concern for context led Calvin to seek the divine intention revealed in Scripture. His studies in legal exegesis showed him that the intent of the author is more important than the etymology of words. Thus the knowledge obtained through Calvin's study of law became an important tool for his becoming a great interpreter. After his sudden conversion Calvin often interpreted the meaning of the passages with the concepts of law when he explained to his readers the justice of God, the atonement of Christ, and the judgment of the wicked. With these terms of law Calvin dealt with the sense of the text clearly, briefly, simply, and practically. Consequently Calvin's studying of law which his father wanted him to follow made a contribution to Calvin's becoming a great interpreter of the Bible and a Christian politician who influenced the Genevan legal reform. In the college of Montaigu Calvin had contact with the humanists in Paris. For example, he was closely associated with his scholarly cousin, Pierre Robert Olivier, who had favored the Reformation and showed a great interest in the humanism then in fashion. Olivier (Olivetan) had two friends, Guillaume Cop who was the chief physician of King Francis, and Guillaume Bude who was "the most learned Hellenist of France, and the most effective liberal opponent of Buda." While Calvin criticized the views of Erasmus in the interpretation of Scripture, he always respected the views of Bude, and in his commentaries never contradicted him. Bude especially had a great influence upon Calvin's hermeneutical method. We shall have the opportunity later on to examine the influence of Bude upon Calvin's method of hermeneutics. Through Olivier, Cop and Bude Calvin probably came into contact with the writings of Luther, Melanchthon, and Lefevre d'Etaples. But Calvin's knowledge of the writings of Luther does not give us any decisive proof that Calvin's conversion was related to the thought of Luther. On his conversion he did not mention Luther, but only God. Calvin confessed as follows: "since I was too obstinately devoted to the superstitions of Popery to be easily extricated from so profound an abyss of mire, God by a sudden conversion subdued and brought my mind to a teachable frame." In 1528 Calvin, in obedience to his father's order, left Montaigu to study law at the university of Orleans. At the univerity of Orleans Calvin met many friends like the German Hellenist Melchior Wolmar of Rothweil, Francois Daniel, Francois de Connan, and Nicolas Duchemin. Calvin's friend, Wolmar taught him Greek so that Calvin could use the grammatical method of interpretation of Scripture. However the hypothesis that he as a convinced Lutheran had a great role in converting Calvin has not been proved because Calvin nowhere in any of his writings mentioned the influence of Wolmar. Then Calvin came strongly under the influence of humanism. He began to open his eyes to enlightened up-to-date teaching and method. In 1532 Calvin, after indulging in humanism, wrote his commentary of the De Clementia of Seneca. In this work Calvin demonstrated his ability to make use of philosophy, philology, and rhetoric. There were two reasons why Calvin wrote this book. First, Erasmus published the second work of Seneca in 1529, but he was not satisfied with that, and appealed to the readers to do better. This appeal probably challenged Calvin's ambition to surpass Erasmus, the leader of humanism. Secondly, another reason why Calvin chose to write about Seneca was that against Epicurean hedonistic tendencies, Christian humanists like Erasmus, Zwingli, and Calvin felt that they found an effective counter position in Stoicism. In his study of the De Clementia Calvin realized that Christianity and Stoicism were "at one in affirming the existence of a supernatural providence which excludes chance and overrules princes." Wendel insists that the significance Calvin afterwards attributed to this idea of God's providence was "at least partly of Stoic origin." For Calvin the doctrine of God's providence is important not only for the system of his theology, but also for his exegetical work. Especially the Commentary on the Psalms in which he discussed the experience of his sudden conversion by God's providence shows us that in numerous places Calvin tried to interpret the meaning of the passages from the perspective of God's providence. The Stoic ethic, which was highly regarded by Calvin's contemporaries, "defined virtue as the end or goal of life. A virtuous person is one who lives in accordance with nature or the logos." From the early church, many fathers like Tertullian and Lactantius used subjects or principles from Stoicism in defense of Christian doctrine. After the death of his father in 1531, Calvin as a freeman and a humanist went to the college of Fortel in Paris, where the Royal Readers, an illustrious body of humanist scholars recently instututed by Francis I, were teaching the courses. Having already studies some Greek under Wolmar, Calvin pursued Hellenic studies by following the courses of Pierre Danes, one of the most illustrious of the new Royal Readers. Calvin began to learn the elements of Hebrew under Francois Vatable, "although the traditional view is that his real learning in that language was gained at Basle and at Strasburg." Although Calvin was a humanist, by mastering the original languages of Scripture he began to prepare himself for his role as an influential interpreter of the Bible which he assumed after his conversion. Especially Erasmus, the symbol of the humanists, who first employed the grammatical-historical method and first tried textual criticism, was surpassed by Calvin who showed the correct interpretation of the passage in using that method rigorously. Calvin pointed out in many places the mistakes made by Erasmus' textual criticism - the method of inserting words and changing the word of the original text. I shall examine Calvin's criticism against Erasmus later. In 1534 Calvin joined the Reformation. This event was reflected in the preface of his Commentary on the Psalms. He commented on his sudden conversion as follows: I was as yet a very boy, my father had destined me forthe study of theology. But afterward, when he considered that the legal profession commonly raised those who followed it to wealth, this prospect induced him suddenly to change his purpose. Thus it came to pass, that I was withdrawn from the study of philosophy, and was put to the study of law. To this pursuit I endeavored faithfully to apply myself, in obedience to the will of my father; but God, by the secret guidance of his providence, at length gave a different direction to my course. And first, since I was too obstinately devoted to the superstitions of Popery to be easily extricated from so profound an abyss of mire, God by a sudden conversion subdued and brought my mind to a teachable frame, which was more hardened in such matters than might have been expected from one at my early period of life. Having thus received some taste and knowledge of true godliness, I was immediately inflamed with so intense a desire to make progress therein, that although I did not altogether leave off other studies, I yet pursued them with less ardour. Recently Hieko A. Oberman interpreted the sudden conversion (subita conversio) with reference to other writings of Calvin. On the phrase sudden conversion in the preface of Calvin's Commentary on the Psalms Oberman annotates: In the phrase subita conversio, conversion means mutatio (this can also happen to impii: CO 31. 475 C); the suddenness of subita, subito (adverb), or repente refers to an event praeter spem, beyond all expectation (CO 31. 78 B; 459 C; 311 B; cf. CO 48. 141 C), at times also applicable to the secure us (as already in the sermon of the 2nd of April, 1553, on Ps. 119) en une minute de temps (CO 32. 614 C). Calvin's conversion from a humanist to one of the great Reformers means the new change of God's calling. One of the workings of God's calling is to interpret and teach Scripture for God's people. The fundamental motive of Calvin's interpreting Scripture was to edify the church. "I have felt nothing to be of more importance than to have a regard to the edification of the Church." 3. Conclusion Calvin was not born a great interpreter, but his humanistic training made him not only the great theologian of the Reformation, but also made him one of the great interpreters in the history of Christianity. His humanistic training helped him develop his biblical interpretation. His conversion from a humanist led him to contribute his calling into interpreting and teaching Scripture correctly. Calvin's task ultimately edified Christian community in the world. We, therefore. can get an important message from this paper. The academical training for understanding Scripture correctly is necessary for a sound interpreter. An interpreter with having this process can edify the 21th century church. In fact, the many problems of Christianity have come from the wrong handling of Scripture without the legitimate method of understanding it. It is necessary for a sound interpreter to require the more through hermeneutical disciple. If Korean churches facing many problems are interested in understanding Scripture correctly, they can be helped in overcoming the negative things. Bibliography 국내 안명준, "21세기를 위한 해석자: 칼빈의 해석학에 있어서 성령과 해석의 관계를 중심으로." 복음과 신학 2 (1999): 164-210. 외국 Ahn, Myung Jun. "Current Theological Issues in Korea." Theological Forum 23 (1998):23-26. ________. "The Influences on Calvin's Hermeneutics and the Development of his Method." Hervormde Teologiese Studies 55 (1999): 228-239. Augustijn, C. "Calvin und der Humanismus." In Calvinus Servus Christi, ed. Wilhelm H. Neuser, Budapest: Presseabteilung des Raday-Kollegiums, 1988. Battles, Ford Lewis. "The Sources of Calvin's Seneca Commentary." In Courtney Studies in Reformation Theology I: John Calvin. 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Jean Calvin: les hommes et les choses de son temps. Geneve: Slatkine, 1969. Durant, Will. The Reformation: A History of European Civilization from Wyclif to Calvin: 1300-1564, The Story of Civilization: Part VI. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1957. Engelbrecht, Barend Jacobus. "Calvyn as die grondlegger van die Reformatoriese leer." Die Hervormer 50 (1959): 12-17. Farley, Benjamin Wirt. The Providence of God. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1988. Farrar, F. W. History of Interpretation. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1979. Floor, L. "The Hermeneutics of Calvin." In Calvinus Reformator: His Contribution to Theology, Church and Society. ed., B. J. van der Walt. Potchefstroom: University for Christian Higher Education. Gadamer, H. G. "Rhetorik, Hermeneutik und Ideologiekritik: Metakritische Eroerterungen zu Wahrheit und Methode." In Hermeneutik und Ideologiekritik. ed. K. Apel. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1971. Ganoczy, Alexandre. "Calvin." In The Reformation. ed. Pierre Chaunu. 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CALVIN'S TRAINING AS AN
CALVIN'S TRAINING AS AN 2003-12-25 10:26:20 read : 12 INTERPRETER OF SCRIPTURE Prof. Dr. Myung Jun Ahn (Pyongtaek University) I. INTRODUCTION John Calvin was not born a great interpreter. But by God's providence he became one of the great interpreters of Scripture in the history of Christianity. In this article I shall investigate John Calvin as a great interpreter, and deal with how the young Calvin trod the path of learning, what, before his sudden conversion (subita conversio), he learned from the humanists and his masters at the colleges which he attended, and how he applied the humanistic methods to the interpretation of Scripture. 2. Calvin's Training Calvin was the greatest theologian among the Reformers, one of the foremost leaders in the history of Christianity, and among the most influential scholars in world history. Robert M. Kingdon introduces the Reformer to us as follows: John Calvin, a French theologian and ecclesiastical statement, was one of the most important leaders of the Protestant Reformation of the 16th century. Theological, ecclesiastical, and political ideas that he advanced in many publications, a model church that he created and many publications, a model church that he created and directed in the city of Geneva, and the assistance he provided to the political and intellectual leaders of several countries profoundly influenced the development of Protestantism in many parts of Europe and in North America. In order to illuminate Calvin's position as one of the greatest interpreters of Scripture, we first have to take cognisance of his educational background. John Calvin was born at Noyon, a celebrated town in Picardy in north eastern France, on July 10th in 1509. Noyon was once famous as the place where bishops like St. Merdad and St. Eloi lived, and where Charlemagne (later Holy Roman emperor) was crowned king of the western Frankish kingdom of Neustria in 768 and Hugh Capet, king of France and founder of the Capetian dynasty (which ruled directly until 1328), was also crowned in 987. Will Durant, an historian, relating Noyon to Calvin's idea of theocracy, says, "It was an ecclesiastical city, dominated by its cathedral and its bishop; here at the outset he had an example of theocracy - the rule of a society by clergymen in the name of God." The name of his father was Gerard Cauvin ("whose surname, latinized as 'Calvinus', became Calvin in French"), who was a man of hard and severe character. His mother, Joan Franc (Jeanne Lefrane), was noted for her personal beauty and great religious fervor and strictness. Both of them were persons of good repute in this town. Gerard had "a prominent position as apostolic secretary to the bishop of Noyon, proctor in the Chapter of the diocese, and fiscal procurator of the county." He was highly esteemed by the noble families in Noyon and had a good relationship with them. This close connection offered Calvin good circumstances to develop as a great exegete, as he did not have to worry about money. There were two important elements in his early training. First, the starting point of his illustrious career was the great ambition and the sacrificial support of his father. Although he never knew that his youngest son Calvin would become a great exegete, Gerard Cauvin, having ambition for his sons, made his son study the courses of the college of the Capettes in Noyon. It has not been known what courses Calvin studied in the college of his hometown. One would probably suppose that because the college had only a few professors, there were not academic courses like law, philosophy, rhetoric, and the original languages including Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. But not being satisfied with Calvin's attending this college, his father sent Calvin to the college of La Marche in Paris in 1523 when he was just fourteen years old. At that time, like other European cities, Paris also was buzzing with the fire of the Reformation set off by Luther in Wittenberg and Zwingli in Zurich. His father devoted his life to the education of Calvin, giving him a cathedral benefice. The devoted support of his father offered Calvin a great blessing. The fact that, unlike Luther, who had as a father, a miner, who did not want his son to be a monk, Calvin could live in good circumstances provided by his parents, gives us an important key to understanding the process of the life of Calvin as preparation for developing into a great interpreter of Scripture. Secondly, in the process of his becoming a great interpreter, the essential influence upon young Calvin was his friendships at the college of the Capettes in his hometown. At that time his native town, Noyon, was ruled by Charles de Hangest. From his childhood Calvin had come in touch with the sons of this family, especially with the sons of Montmor. In 1523, with three young men of the Hangest family, Calvin was sent to Paris. One of them was Claude de Hangest, Abbot of St. Eloi's at Noyon, to whom Calvin dedicated his commentary on the De Clementia of Seneca in Paris on April 4 in 1532. Calvin called him the most saintly and most wise prelate in his day. Williston Walker describes the situation in the hometown and the friendships of Calvin with them as follows: Quite as influential in the development of the boy's life as this instruction in the schoolroom of the Capettes were the friendships which he formed with his contemporaries among the sons of the noble family of Hangest, notably with those of Louis de Hangest, lord of Montmor, and of his brother, Adrien, lord of Genlis. To Claude, son of the nobleman last named, Calvin was, years later, to dedicate his first book, when Claude had become abbot of Saint-Eloi at Noyon. With Joachim and Ives, and a brother of theirs whose name is now lost, sons of the seigneur of Montmor, Calvin stood in intimate school fellowship; and his relations to these households of Montmor and Gelis seem indeed, to have been much closer than merely those of the schoolroom. Gerard's relationship with the noble family explains the fact that the young Calvin was "from a boy very liberally educated in the family of the Mommors, one of the most distinguished in that quarter." Afterwards a son of de Mommor followed Calvin to Geneva. Calvin's friendships played an important role in developing his humanistic study before his sudden conversion. This background of Calvin's education helped him to make rapid progress in learning, and let him acquire "a refinement of manners and a certain aristocratic air, which distinguished him from Luther and Zwingli." In an attempt to understand Calvin's intellectual development, one should keep in mind that before his theological studies, he first studied law with leading humanists. Therefore his hermeneutical method was influenced by his humanistic learning. Then Calvin learned from the humanists rhetoric, philosophy, and philology skills needed by a great interpreter of Scripture. The first steps in Calvin's development as an interpreter were set when he went to the college of La Marche. This college was imbued with a humanistic spirit with which Calvin now came into contact. Calvin fortunately had a chance to meet a famous professor in the college of La Marche. His name was Mathurin Cordier, the best Latin teacher in the country and one of the founders of modern pedagogy. He had a great influence upon Calvin who learned to read and to write Latin from him. He was also the first master who introduced Calvin to the philosophy of humanism and Christian piety. T. F. Torrance points out correctly that M. Cordier "not only laid the foundation of Calvin's education and taught Calvin the true method of learning, but imbued him with such a taste for literary studies that Calvin could trace the progress he made in later years to Cordier's instruction." When Calvin founded the Academy of Geneva in 1559, he provided Cordier with the position to instruct Latin. There he died at the age of eighty-five in the same year as Calvin did in 1564. Cordier's influence upon Calvin was demonstrated when Calvin dedicated to his old teacher his Commentary on the First Epistle to the Thessalonians on February 17th, 1550. Here Calvin called him "a man of eminent piety and learning, principal of the college Lausanne." Calvin expressed his heartfelt thanks as follows: It is befitting that you should come in for a share in my labors, inasmuch as, under your auspices, having entered on a course of study, I made proficiency at least so far as to be prepared to profit in some degree the Church of God. When my father sent me, while yet a boy, to Paris, after I had simply tasted the first elements of the Latin tongue, Providence so ordered it that I had, for a short time, the privilege of having you as my instructor, that I might be taught by you the true method of learning, in such a way that I might be prepared afterwards to make somewhat better proficiency. According to John T. McNeill, it was Cordier who let Calvin discover the delights of good learning and acquire that unfailing sense of style and diction that marked all his writings. Then under him Calvin learned "in large measure something that was to be one of his greatest assets: his style, so that Calvin could be both an excellent Latinist and a writer with the capability of expressing an elegant French." Later his Latin study made it possible that he could read the Fathers' writings and the rhetorical writings of Cicero and Quintilian. In Latin Calvin probably began to have a chance to understand the theological thoughts of the Fathers. From the writings of Cicero and Quintilian, Calvin also was able to learn the terms and the concepts of brevitas et facilitas, which had long been used by Plato and Aristotle in their rhetorical writings. Generally speaking, rhetoric is closely connected with the interpretation of Scripture because Scripture itself employs many rhetorical devices. C. J. Labuschagne writes, for instance, that there are many rhetorical questions in the Old Testament. As an example he indicates that especially when the author of Scripture expresses Yahweh's incomparability, such questions are employed. He writes as follows: Rhetorical questions are frequently used in the Old Testament to express the absolute power, uniqueness, singularity and incomparability of a person. The rhetorical question is one of the most forceful and effectual ways employed in speech for driving home some idea or conviction. Because of its impressive and persuasive effect the hearer is not merely listener: he is forced to frame the expected answer in his mind, and by doing so he actually becomes a co-expressor of the speaker's conviction. Some scholars argue that Paul's rhetoric was a focus of the Reformers like Luther, Melanchthon, and Calvin. The Reformers influenced by the Italian humanist Lorenzo Valla employed a rhetorical approach in their commentaries on the New Testament. On rhetorical method H. D. Betz argues that Paul's epistles had "classical categories of invention, arrangement, and style in mind." He also regards these as "an interpretive tool." Kennedy maintains that Matthew employed "rhetoric in the most comprehensive way, attending to invention, arrangement, style, and amplification." I shall have the opportunity later on to investigate rhetoric as one of the sources of Calvin's ideal of brevitas et facilitas. From the college of La Marche, Calvin was transferred by his father, for reasons we do not know, to the college of Montaigu at the end of 1523. Calvin made great progress in the formation of his intellect during his stay in this college. A. Ganoczy writes on Calvin's studies there: At Montaigau his studies probably consisted of logic, metaphysics, ethics, rhetoric and science, all of which were taught on the basis of Aristotle with the teachers drawing inspiration from authorities like Ockham, Buridan, Scotus and Thomas Aquinas. These studies were intended as prolegomena to theology and Calvin finished them at eighteen without having been able to begin the sacred sciences which consisted of a commentary on the Bible and the Sentences of Peter Lombard. He thus escaped the scholastic strait-jacket and kept his intellectual virginity for a humanist and soon a Lutheran interpretation of Catholic tradition. At the college of Montaigu there were a few famous scholars such as Beda, Antonio Coronel, and John Major. Probably Calvin began to hear of the Reformation of Luther and the humanistic school from them. A Spaniard, Antonio Coronel, taught Calvin the grammar course of Latin as well as philosophy. Through Antonio Coronel's Latin tuition, Calvin, therefore, having already learned Latin from Cordier, became one of the great Latin scholars in the 16th century. This did not only enable him to read the writings of philosophers, rhetoricians, and the Fathers, but also later on to write his Institutes of the Christian Religion and his commentaries in Latin. Here at Montaigu Calvin came into contact with Luther's thought albeit in the negative evaluation that Beda gave of it. Here also Calvin experienced the influence of John Major who taught him "direct knowledge of the Sentences of Peter Lombard and of the Occamist interpretation that he put upon them." Following F. Wendel, J. T. McNeill writes: It is highly likely that he came under the instruction of the celebrated Scot, John Major, or Mair, who returned to Paris in 1525 after a period of teaching in his native country. He was a very learned scholastic philosopher of the Ockhamist persuasion. Among his works were a valuable History of Greater Britain (1521) and a commentary on the Gospels (1529), in which he assailed the writings of Wycliffe, Huss, and Luther. It may be reasonably inferred that Calvin heard from his lips some of the material of the latter book before its publication; Major's lectures may indeed have given him his first substantial knowledge of Luther. In 1963 Karl Reuter on this issue dared to put forward the hypothesis that Major had a decisive influence on Calvin's intellectual development; that he introduced Calvin to a new conception of anti-Pelagian, Scotist theology, a renewed Augustinianism, and positivism in regard to Scripture. In contrast to him, A. Ganoczy and A. E. McGrath argue that Major's direct influence on Calvin's theology cannot be proved. It is, however, certain that Calvin knew a little of the theology of John Major. The period in the college of Montaigu was very important for Calvin because he could have a chance to master Latin, rhetoric, and philosophy. This training of Calvin was clearly expressed in his commentary on the De Clementia of Seneca and, after his conversion, in his interpretation of Scripture. The period in the college of Montaigu was significant, not as preparation for his role as a Reformer, but in that it exposed him to humanist thinking which had an impact on the method used by him for the exegesis of Scripture. Later his father, who originally intended him to study theology, changed his mind and ordered Calvin to study law because he expected Calvin to become a person with wealth and honor. But this second plan of his father to make him a good lawyer for a secure life, providentially turned out to be the best possible way for his future as an interpreter of the Bible. In order to be a lawyer, Calvin studied law and rhetoric from Peter De l'Etoile in the university of Orleans and from Andreas Alciati in the university of Bourges. By studying law, Calvin as a humanist learned the necessary method for the interpretation of an original text. A. E. McGrath argues that the sources of the hermeneutical method of Calvin was found in his study of law in the advanced atmosphere of Orleans and Bourges Calvin's legal training prepared him to accurately establish the intent of the author of Scripture and the genuine meaning of the text, and to consider the historical background. Donald K. McKim relates Calvin's studying law to his hermeneutical method as follows: As we have observed, humanist legal scholars were seeking direct access to the corpus of Roman law, not via learned authorities or traditions, but through the study of the history and social customs of ancient Rome. Such study gave them a direct understanding of the intentions and meanings of the legal texts. Calvin applied a similar concern for context to his work with Scripture. Circumstances and culture are always main ingredients to be understood as one seeks to interpret the Bible. . . . Concern for context led Calvin to seek the divine intention revealed in Scripture. His studies in legal exegesis showed him that the intent of the author is more important than the etymology of words. Thus the knowledge obtained through Calvin's study of law became an important tool for his becoming a great interpreter. After his sudden conversion Calvin often interpreted the meaning of the passages with the concepts of law when he explained to his readers the justice of God, the atonement of Christ, and the judgment of the wicked. With these terms of law Calvin dealt with the sense of the text clearly, briefly, simply, and practically. Consequently Calvin's studying of law which his father wanted him to follow made a contribution to Calvin's becoming a great interpreter of the Bible and a Christian politician who influenced the Genevan legal reform. In the college of Montaigu Calvin had contact with the humanists in Paris. For example, he was closely associated with his scholarly cousin, Pierre Robert Olivier, who had favored the Reformation and showed a great interest in the humanism then in fashion. Olivier (Olivetan) had two friends, Guillaume Cop who was the chief physician of King Francis, and Guillaume Bude who was "the most learned Hellenist of France, and the most effective liberal opponent of Buda." While Calvin criticized the views of Erasmus in the interpretation of Scripture, he always respected the views of Bude, and in his commentaries never contradicted him. Bude especially had a great influence upon Calvin's hermeneutical method. We shall have the opportunity later on to examine the influence of Bude upon Calvin's method of hermeneutics. Through Olivier, Cop and Bude Calvin probably came into contact with the writings of Luther, Melanchthon, and Lefevre d'Etaples. But Calvin's knowledge of the writings of Luther does not give us any decisive proof that Calvin's conversion was related to the thought of Luther. On his conversion he did not mention Luther, but only God. Calvin confessed as follows: "since I was too obstinately devoted to the superstitions of Popery to be easily extricated from so profound an abyss of mire, God by a sudden conversion subdued and brought my mind to a teachable frame." In 1528 Calvin, in obedience to his father's order, left Montaigu to study law at the university of Orleans. At the univerity of Orleans Calvin met many friends like the German Hellenist Melchior Wolmar of Rothweil, Francois Daniel, Francois de Connan, and Nicolas Duchemin. Calvin's friend, Wolmar taught him Greek so that Calvin could use the grammatical method of interpretation of Scripture. However the hypothesis that he as a convinced Lutheran had a great role in converting Calvin has not been proved because Calvin nowhere in any of his writings mentioned the influence of Wolmar. Then Calvin came strongly under the influence of humanism. He began to open his eyes to enlightened up-to-date teaching and method. In 1532 Calvin, after indulging in humanism, wrote his commentary of the De Clementia of Seneca. In this work Calvin demonstrated his ability to make use of philosophy, philology, and rhetoric. There were two reasons why Calvin wrote this book. First, Erasmus published the second work of Seneca in 1529, but he was not satisfied with that, and appealed to the readers to do better. This appeal probably challenged Calvin's ambition to surpass Erasmus, the leader of humanism. Secondly, another reason why Calvin chose to write about Seneca was that against Epicurean hedonistic tendencies, Christian humanists like Erasmus, Zwingli, and Calvin felt that they found an effective counter position in Stoicism. In his study of the De Clementia Calvin realized that Christianity and Stoicism were "at one in affirming the existence of a supernatural providence which excludes chance and overrules princes." Wendel insists that the significance Calvin afterwards attributed to this idea of God's providence was "at least partly of Stoic origin." For Calvin the doctrine of God's providence is important not only for the system of his theology, but also for his exegetical work. Especially the Commentary on the Psalms in which he discussed the experience of his sudden conversion by God's providence shows us that in numerous places Calvin tried to interpret the meaning of the passages from the perspective of God's providence. The Stoic ethic, which was highly regarded by Calvin's contemporaries, "defined virtue as the end or goal of life. A virtuous person is one who lives in accordance with nature or the logos." From the early church, many fathers like Tertullian and Lactantius used subjects or principles from Stoicism in defense of Christian doctrine. After the death of his father in 1531, Calvin as a freeman and a humanist went to the college of Fortel in Paris, where the Royal Readers, an illustrious body of humanist scholars recently instututed by Francis I, were teaching the courses. Having already studies some Greek under Wolmar, Calvin pursued Hellenic studies by following the courses of Pierre Danes, one of the most illustrious of the new Royal Readers. Calvin began to learn the elements of Hebrew under Francois Vatable, "although the traditional view is that his real learning in that language was gained at Basle and at Strasburg." Although Calvin was a humanist, by mastering the original languages of Scripture he began to prepare himself for his role as an influential interpreter of the Bible which he assumed after his conversion. Especially Erasmus, the symbol of the humanists, who first employed the grammatical-historical method and first tried textual criticism, was surpassed by Calvin who showed the correct interpretation of the passage in using that method rigorously. Calvin pointed out in many places the mistakes made by Erasmus' textual criticism - the method of inserting words and changing the word of the original text. I shall examine Calvin's criticism against Erasmus later. In 1534 Calvin joined the Reformation. This event was reflected in the preface of his Commentary on the Psalms. He commented on his sudden conversion as follows: I was as yet a very boy, my father had destined me forthe study of theology. But afterward, when he considered that the legal profession commonly raised those who followed it to wealth, this prospect induced him suddenly to change his purpose. Thus it came to pass, that I was withdrawn from the study of philosophy, and was put to the study of law. To this pursuit I endeavored faithfully to apply myself, in obedience to the will of my father; but God, by the secret guidance of his providence, at length gave a different direction to my course. And first, since I was too obstinately devoted to the superstitions of Popery to be easily extricated from so profound an abyss of mire, God by a sudden conversion subdued and brought my mind to a teachable frame, which was more hardened in such matters than might have been expected from one at my early period of life. Having thus received some taste and knowledge of true godliness, I was immediately inflamed with so intense a desire to make progress therein, that although I did not altogether leave off other studies, I yet pursued them with less ardour. Recently Hieko A. Oberman interpreted the sudden conversion (subita conversio) with reference to other writings of Calvin. On the phrase sudden conversion in the preface of Calvin's Commentary on the Psalms Oberman annotates: In the phrase subita conversio, conversion means mutatio (this can also happen to impii: CO 31. 475 C); the suddenness of subita, subito (adverb), or repente refers to an event praeter spem, beyond all expectation (CO 31. 78 B; 459 C; 311 B; cf. CO 48. 141 C), at times also applicable to the secure us (as already in the sermon of the 2nd of April, 1553, on Ps. 119) en une minute de temps (CO 32. 614 C). Calvin's conversion from a humanist to one of the great Reformers means the new change of God's calling. One of the workings of God's calling is to interpret and teach Scripture for God's people. The fundamental motive of Calvin's interpreting Scripture was to edify the church. "I have felt nothing to be of more importance than to have a regard to the edification of the Church." 3. Conclusion Calvin was not born a great interpreter, but his humanistic training made him not only the great theologian of the Reformation, but also made him one of the great interpreters in the history of Christianity. His humanistic training helped him develop his biblical interpretation. His conversion from a humanist led him to contribute his calling into interpreting and teaching Scripture correctly. Calvin's task ultimately edified Christian community in the world. We, therefore. can get an important message from this paper. The academical training for understanding Scripture correctly is necessary for a sound interpreter. An interpreter with having this process can edify the 21th century church. 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The Review and Expositor 6 (1909): 577-578. Rogers, Jack B. & McKim, Donald K. The Authority and Interpretation of the Bible: An Historical Approach. New York: Harper & Row, 1979. Saxer, Ernst , Vorsehung und Verheissung Gottes: Vier theologische Modelle. (Calvin, Schleiermacher, Barth, Solle) und ein systematischer Versuch. Zurich: Theologischer Verlag Zurich, 1980. Schaff, Philip. History of the Christian Church, vol., 8 Modern Christianity: The Swiss Reformation. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1969. _______. "Calvin as a Commentator." The Presbyterian and Reformed Review 3 (1892): 462-469. Schreiner, Susan E. The Theater of His Glory: Nature and Natural Order in the Thought of John Calvin. Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 1995. Sprener, Paul. Das Ratsel um die Bekehrung Calvins. Neukirchen: Buchhandlung des Erziehungsvereins, 1960. Stander, Hendrik F. "Stoicism." Encyclopedia of Early Christianity, ed. Everett Ferguson. New York: Garland Publishg, Inc., 1990. Stauffer, Richard. "Calvin." In International Calvinism: 1541-1715, ed. Menna Prestwich, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985. Stauffer, Richard, Dieu, la creation et la providence dans la predication de Calvin. Berne: Peter Lang, 1978. Stob, R. "Stoicism and Christianity." Classical Journal 30 (1934-1935): 217-224. Stutterheim, J. F. "Die bekering van Calvyn." Die Brug 13 (1964): 5-6. Tibiletti, C. "Stoicism and the Fathers." Encyclopedia of the Early Church. ed. Angelo Di Berardino. Cambridge: James Clarke & Co., 1992. Torrance, Thomas F. The Hermeneutics of John Calvin, Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1988. Traugott, Fuhrman Paul. "Calvin the Expositor." Interpretation 6 (1952): 188-209. Walker, Williston. John Calvin: The Organizer of Reformed Protestantism 1509-1564. New York: Schocken Books, 1969. Wallace, R. S. Calvin, Geneva and the Reformation. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1988. Warfield, Benjamin B. "John Calvin: The Man and his Work." Methodist Review 58 (1909): 642-663. Watson, Duane F. and Alan, Hauser J. Rhetorical Criticism of the Bible: A Comprehensive Bibliography with Notes on History and Method, Biblical Interpretation Series, ed. R. Alan Culpepper and Rolf Rendtorff. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994. Wendel, Francois. Calvin et l'humanism. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1976. _______. Calvin: Origins and Development of his Relgious Thought. Translated by Philip Mairet. Durham: The Labyrinth Press. 1963. Wierenga, Robert. "Calvin the Commentator." Reformed Review 39 (1978): 4-13. Willis, David E. "Rhetoric and Responsibility in Calvin's Theology." In The Context of Contemporary Theology, eds. Alexander J. McKelway and E. David Willis. Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1974.
CONVERSION
CONVERSION From Judaism to Christianity When a Jew becomes a Christian, it is usually a traumatic experience for the family. The immediate suspicion is that the individual is no longer Jewsih. To an extent this statement is true because there is a significant change in religious faith, but most Jewish Christians would seek to emphasize their Jewishness. Indeed, many would not use the term Christian, but rather Messianic Jew. Many observe Jewish holidays and seek to maintain closer cultrual bonds than many Jews who would nominally claim to be Jewish in their religious faith. In his book Betrayed, Stan Telchin tells of the anguish he felt when his twenty-one-year-old daughter told the family that she had put her faith in Jesus as the Messiah. It was shocking news that jolted their tranquility, but in the weeks and months that followed, as they observed her newfound happiness and peace, they began to inquire for themselves. Stan's initial study of the Bible was in an effort to refute all that his daughter believed, but as time passed he became a believer, as did his wife and other daughter - all independently of each other. Did they lose their Jewishness? Stan himself spoke to that issue. " I am a Jew. I was born a Jew, and I will die a Jew. Even if it were possible for me to reject my Jewish identity and heritage, I would never do so. I am a Jew by birth and by desire. As a matter of fact, I am so comfortable and so secure in my Jewish identity that I am not threatened by the fears and anxieties of some who would question it. My Jewishness was not conferred upon me by public opinion or by government edict. It was not given to me by men, and it cannot be taken away from me by men. "As a Jew, I am even more sensitive to the teaching of Jesus, who was born a Jew, lived as a Jew, chose other Jews as His disciples and loved the Jewish people. As His disciple today, I know that He is more concerned about the attitudes of our hearts than the actions we perform....In relations with members of my family and friends I am to remain consistent, never turning my back on my heritage, on my ancestry, on Israel or upon them." Stan Telchin, Betrayed, Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1981, pp.117-118. 사족: 회심이란 참된 자아를 찾는 것이다. 참된 자아는 자신의 모든 것을 부인함으로 인하여 자신의 모든 것의 정체를 제대로 파악하는 것이다. 나는 한국인이다.골수 한국인이다. 어디를 가더라도 한국인이다. 그리스도 안에서 참으로 한국인됨을 알 수 있다. 이것이 기독교의 회심이다.
Like a Seed which grows into a Tree/ Korean Church History/ soli deo gloria/ Dae In Kim/ 2015-08-12
Like a Seed which grows into a Tree/ Korean Church History/ soli deo gloria/ Dae In Kim soli deo gloria Like a Seed which grows into a Tree Rev. Dae In Kim Minister Mokdong Jeil Presbyterian Church Introduction The rapid growth of the Korean Church marks an epoch in Modern Church History. It happened in the middle of the 20th Century. Today many Christian church leaders are asking How? Why? and What happened? and are giving varied answers which accord with their own views. However, there is only one reason of which we can be certain: Today's Korean Church was not built in a day but is the result of one hundred years of mission under the direct guidance of God. God has worked in history. Unless we understand the history we can not understand the events of today. When I visited Bolivia in 1991 pastors and ministers questioned me about the growth of the church in Korea. Pastor D. Kereto, who is from Kenya and has studied in Britain was invited by my church to come and see the situation for himself. Pastors from Hong Kong and Mayanmar have also visited my church for the same purpose, All who have visited agree that the growth of the Korean Church is a miracle. I have spent much time with those who visited explaining the history of the Korean Church and how it has been blessed and led by God since the days when the first seeds of the Gospel message came to our country. I also endeavoured to explain the influence and effect of the Missionaries from Western countries who arrived during the early days of the Korean Church. I have been encouraged to write down this history so that other ministers, pastors and church leaders may know about the growth of the church in Korea. I am doing this not only to tell the historical facts about the Korean Church but also to look to the future and perhaps give some insight to the problems experienced by the church of today in other parts of the world. My hope is that this paper will bear fruit by looking to the pa st and will present a vision for future generations as was proclaimed by Moses in his preaching before crossing the river Jordan. 1. The Launching of the Korean Church It was on 16th May 1883 that the Korean Church came into being. Those who have knowledge of Korean Church History may be confused about this declaration because the Rev. Horace G. Underwood, the first missionary from the USA, arrived On 5th April 1885. So how could the church have been planted two years before the arrival of the first missionary? This was the result of God's providential care for the people of Korea. The Korean church had been established before the arrival of the missionaries. The Rev. John Ross(1842-1915) a member of the Scottish Presbyterian Church arrived in Manchuria in 1872 to conduct a Mission. After 1year, spent studying the Chinese language, he went to conduct a mission in 'Korea Gate' near the border between Korea and China. There he met people form Korea who sp oke a different language and had a different culture from the people of China. In 1873 when he returned to "Korea Gate" he met Koreans again and he asked four young men to teach him their language. In 1876 the four men Lee Ung Chan, Baek Hong Jun, Kim Jin Ki and Lee Sung Ha were baptised by the Rev. John Ross and they started translating the Bible from Chinese into Korean. Because their knowledge of Chinese was limited the work was slow but they were soon to be joined by Sub Sang Ruin. He met the Rev. Ross in 1878, was baptised in 1879 and joined the team of translators. Because of his profound knowledge of Chinese 3,000 copies of the Gospel of St. Luke in Korean were published on 24th March 1882 and a further 3,000 copies of the Gospel of St. John were published on the 12th May in the same year. Sub Sang Ruin brought the Bible to Korea and established the 'So-Rae Church" in Song Cheon Li, Whang-Hae Do, Korea. It is my conviction that the Korean Church started as a miracle of God. Before the first missionary ever came to Korea the "So-Rae Church" was already established as the result of the translation of the Bible from Chinese to Korean. Korean Christians themselves distributed the translated scriptures in their homeland. The "So-Rae Church" came in to being as a spontaneous response by Korean people themselves on reading the scriptures in their own language. It was not started by "foreign missions" 2. Outreach in Seoul by Suh Sang Ruin The evangelising zeal of Sub Sang Ruin could not to be confined to the rural areas of Korea. He had a vision of spreading the Gospel and establishing the Church in Seoul, the capital of Korea. He went there hisself. There were problems in obtaining Bibles. A request for help was made to the Rev. Ross who responded by sending 6,000 Bibles in 1884. Christian Mission and the importing of Bibles was prohibited by law in those days because the national government feared the spread of the influence of Western imperialism which they thought was closely associated with the Christian religion. In spite of the law Sub Sang Ruin succeeded in taking delivery of the Bibles through the kind offices of Mr. P. G. Van Mollendorf, a German, who worked in the Customs House at In-Cheon, which at that time was the centre of trading between China and Korea. The arrival of the Bibles gave a fresh impetus to Sub San Ruin as he continued to spread the Gospel in Seoul. At the same time Sub Kyung Cho, Sub Sang Ruin's younger brother was working in Chang-Yeon on the outskirts of So-Rae. Lee Seung Ha, one of Sub Sang Ruin's colleagues working on the translation of the Bible in Manchuria started an evangelistic campaign in Ui-Zoo. As a result of this work many people were converted and asked to be baptised. So when the Rev. Ross was invited to Korea to baptise the converts and establish a church he found 300 people awaiting his arrival in Seoul. At this time the only place for regular worship was in So-Rae. So the believers were already there when the first missionaries from the West arrived in Korea. There are records to prove that Sub Kyung Cho was baptised in the Summer of 1885 by the Rev. Underwood and that Sub Byung Ho, his son, was given infant baptism in September 1885 at the church in So-Rae. The Rev. Underwood and the Rev. Henry G. Apenzellor did not sow the gospel with tears. They reaped the harvest with joy. (cf. Rrof. Lee Kwang Lin) 3. The Nevious Policy All who are interested in Korean Church History will appreciate the significant contribution made by the Rev. John L. Nevious. He worked in Sandong, China as a missionary of the North America Presbyterian Assembly. In 1890 he was invited to am meeting in Korea convened by the missionaries working there because he had already had done his missionary work for 25 years in China. During that meeting he presented his idea for a more coherent and a effective way of working together. His proposition became known as the 'Nevious Policy". The Rev. Charles Alien Clark, who attended the meeting, summarised the Nevious Policy as-"Self-propagation": "Self-governmenf"and "Seif-support' The central idea was that the Korean Church should not be dependant on foreign missionaries, which could prevent the growth of a strong, indigenous of a strong church. This mission policy was not an original idea but based on the writings of the Rev. Henry Venn, a member of the Church of England. (The Rev. Venn's three selves were self-giving: self supporting and self-propagation) The Rev. Nevious revised and developed Henry Venn's ideas to include oriental thought and culture. This was the basis of the Missionary Movement at the end of the 19th century. All Presbyterian Missionaries who were in Korea at that time agreed that the Presbyterian Church should be united and they inaugurated The Council of Missions holding the Presbyterian form of Government" on the 28th January 1893. They then adopted the Nevious Policy as the Mission Strategy for the Korean Church. Korean Christians desired the salvation of the lost soul and worked for the spreading of good news of the Gospel through the salvation of God's grace and not because of any mission policy. Life in Korea during those days was difficult, faced with threat of invasion by Imperialistic countries. This re-enforced the determination of the church to be independent and self-reliant. This led them to try many things in their own response to what they believed God was calling them to do. It was not "policy" which led them; it was their own vision and determination. An example of this is found in the growth of the Methodist Church which became the second largest in Korea without the use of the Nevious policy. Its growth was not in response to the Nevious Mission Policy. The key to Korean Church growth might rather be based on the inspiration of an individual Korean Christian Church Leader than on the excellency of any "Policy" 4. The "Dong Hak" Revolution and the Church Korea was drawn into the vortex of war in 1895. It happened towards the end of the last Dynasty in Korea. Although the Dynasty faced a critical threat from foreign imperial powers, the domestic situation was even worse. Many officials abused their power and there was blatant moral and political corruption. In 1895 an uprising of farmers took place which became known as the "Dong Hak Revolution." It spread very quickly and widely. Such was its strength that it could not be quelled by Government Forces. The Government finally had to resort to asking foreign troops for help. During the revolution and the ensuing warfare many people died and the Churches and Christians were persecuted. The leaders of the revolution were against not only the Dynasty and its oficials, but also rejected everything Western, including Christianity. They believed that Christianity and Western philosophy were alien to Korea's long cultural tradition and moral rule which was based on Oriental philosophy and the Confucian and Buddhist religions. The literal meaning of Dong Hak is "Oriental Thought". One section of the revolution army marched down to attack So-Rae, Whang-Hae Do where the So-Rea Church was located. The commanders believed that So-Rae and So-Rea Church were the centre of evil Western influence. About 80 people attended Sunday Services at that time and they were aware and afraid of the impending attack The Rev. W. J. Mckenzie, a Canadian Missionary, was in So-Rae learning the language and culture at that time. He urged the people not to re-act with violence and demonstrated his conviction about this by throwing away his gun. ALthough this request and plea for peace were not exactly understood the people responded. Sub Kyun Cho, the leader of the So-Rae Church went to speak with the leaders of the revolutionary army pleading with them to cease their hostilities and the threatened attack on So-Rae. During this exchange Sub Kyung Cho strongly disputed the rationale behind the Dong Hak revolution. In spite of engaging in a very heated argument the army commander was impressed by Sub Kyun Cho's superior knowledge of Oriental philosophy and he ordered a retreat from So Rae as he was satisfied that the church posed no threat to the revolution. So So-Rae became a refuge for Christians and about 300 congregated there. Within a year the Church building had to be extended. Yet another miraculous event happened to Sub Kyun Cho. After the suppression of the revolution by the Government Forces the commander of the Dong Hak was captured and sentenced to death. When Sub Kyung Cho heard of this he pleaded for the commander's release and his request was granted just before the execution was about to take place. It was a marvellous demonstration of the Love of Jesus for sinful human beings. The outcome of this was that the whole of the commander's family received the Lord Jesus Christ as their personal Saviour and one of his descendants became the pastor of the So-Rae Church. The explosive growth of the church dates from that time. About 500 Christians were baptised in 1895: 1,000 in 1896: 3,000 in 1899: 4,000 in 1901 and 9,500 in 1905. This rate of growth continued until 14,000 were baptised in 1910. After 1910 growth continued but not at such a rapid rate. 5. Organising the Church Committee. Korean Christians have been involved with the administration of the church since 1901. The missionaries recognised the need for local people to play an active part in the organisation of the church. So a Mission Committee comprising Korean Christians and missionaries was set up. This happened 15 years after the arrival of the first missionary and 9 years after the Missionary Committee was first set up. During the first joint Mission Committee meeting it was agreed that offerings should be taken to help people who were suffering as a result of crop failure. The Christians in those early days in Korean Church history put into practice their understanding of the love which Jesus taught. This expression of Christ's love caused His Kingdom to grow. It was also decided to hold a Thanksgiving Day. On the surface this may appear to be very American. In fact its foundation was very different. It was not for celebrating the harvest of crops, as the Puritans who settled in America did. It was for celebrating the harvest of Souls. In fact there was intense poverty in Korea at that time. This was not only caused by bad weather conditions, which resulted in failed harvest, but also was the result of exploitation by corrupt officials. Sub Kyung Cho suggested that a special day be set aside for praising God and thanking Him for all the spiritual blessings which had came to Korea through the Gospel. It was to be a day of real celebration in spite of the acute pain and physical poverty which existed. I believe that a time of thanksgiving for a spiritual harvest as was celebrated by the early church in Korea could lead to the same result in other churches today. 6. The Contribution of the Nlissionaries. Although God had presented the seed of the Gospel to Koreans before the arrival of Missionaries, their contribution to the Korean Church needs to be recognised. As soon as they arrived they harvested the many souls who were waiting for baptism. Through the influence of Korean evangelists many people had been converted and were endeavouring to live a Christian life, but there were no ordained ministers to train and build up the believers. This brings to mind the verse " One sows and another reaps"(John 3:47) The Korean evangelists could read the Bible but had little knowledge of theology. To remedy this a Bible classes was started by the missionaries in 1890. The Korean evangelists attended with great enthusiasm. Two years later, in 1982 the Rev Underwood started classes in theology for the training of church leaders to become ministers. Had that ministry started earlier the mission in Korea might have been even more effective. The Rev UndeMood's theology class started 10 years after he had begun his ministry in Korea. 15 years after the first missionary had arrived. The Rev Samuel Moffet an American Presbyterian missionary established a Theological School in Pyongyang. This was under the auspices of the American Presbyterian Assembly. Moffet reported that the Korean Churches were eager to have indigenous leaders and the Theological Seminary was set up in response to this in 1901. Seven people graduated in 1908 and they were ordained as ministers in June of the same year. It might be thought that 22 years was a long time for the Korean Church to wait to have Korean ministers. The translation of the Bible was the most momentous event in the history of the Korean Church. God sent the Bible not a Missionary to Korea. The Bible in Korean was published in China by the Rev John Ross and Sub Sang Ryun and later in Japan by Lee Soo Jeong. Underwood had leasnt Korean in Japan, under the tuition of Lee Soo Jeong, before going to Korea. Underwood brought with him the Gospel of St Mark already translated and two years later he published the Korean Bible claiming it as his own translation. It being very unlikely that a foreign missionary could complete the translation of the Bible in two years, the American Bible Society regarded it as plagiarism, as most of the Bible had been translated by Lee Soo Jeong. In response to this the missionaries organised a team for the purpose of translating the Bible. The work was greatly accelerated by the input of the Korean members. On 9th September 1900 a service was held at Jeong Dong Methodist Church, Seoul to celebrate the publication of the whole of the New Testament. Immediately work colmmenced on the translation of the Old Testament. The finished work was jubilantly published in March 1911. In May of the same year a special service was held to celebrate the publication of the whole Bible in Korean. Within twelve months 8,000 copies had been sold. 7. "Called to IVlission" When the first the Korean Presbyterian Church Synod met in 1907, seven Korean ministers were ordained. One of them, Lee Gi Poong was sent to Chejoo, an island located in the southern most part of Korea. Because Chejoo was an island it had a different culture from the rest of the country. The people who lived on Chejoo island practised religious activities which were strongly influenced by Shamanism which was based on superstitious belief. Lee Gi Poong was sent to that centre of idolatry, superstition and Shamanism. In 1911, in a meeting cormmemorating the foundation of the Presbyterian General Assembly, the Korean Presbyterian Church decided to send missionaries to China. The early Christians and Church leaders in Korea were not satisfied with giving thanks to God for having sent them the Good News of the Gospel. They also showed their gratitude in a practical way by starting a foreign mission. Korea at that time a Dynasty and not a Republic as it is today had been greatly influenced by China and could be said to be subject to China. Confucianism, which came from China, dominated Korea in those days. In practical terms it was not so much a religion as a philosophy. It is to the great credit and praise of the Korean Church that missionaries were sent to China. The Koreans felt indebted to Western missionaries for enabling the establishment of the church in Korea and they consequently felt compelled themselves to participate in mission. This may be another reason for the rapid growth of the Korean Churches. 8. The Revival Movement During the rapid growth of the Korean Church a number of revival movements took place. The first happened during the early part of this century. It's source wasa prayer meeting of missionaries held in Wonsan. During that meeting, experiencing God's presence, through the Holy Spirit, missionaries spontaneously renounced and confessed publicly and before God their personal and ministerial sins. The revival then spread from the missionaries to the local congregations. The Rev Gil Seen Joe, one of the first Korean ministers was also chosen by God to be His vehicle in revival. He started an early morning prayer meeting in Pyongyang. It developed in to a revival movement similar to the great awakening in the Western Churches in the 19th century. Strictly speaking these movements should not be described as "revival" because the young Korean Church had never experienced anything but growth. Nevertheless in the annals of Korean Church history there is a movement recognised and known as "The 1907 Revival" The number of churches had increased accompanied by considerable growth in church membership. But it to understand this growth it is necessary to know something about the political situation pertaining to those times. Since the middle of the 1800's Korea had been in the turrmoil of a political and economic crisis. The country was forced to open the political door which for so long, had been closed. Korea had always subscribed to a policy of seclusion in the belief that it was the only way to save the nation from the threat of foreign powers. In the mid 1880'S foreign merchant vessels and warships appeared in Korean waters and caused considerable political unrest. This was followed by further unrest relating to the country is economy as the Korean government had been forced to make an unfavourable commercial agreement with Japan. It became evident that Japan, after successes in war against China and Russia, intended to invade Korea. In 1904 the first Korean-Japanese agreement for "The Administration in diplomacy" was signed. This meant that Japan had the upper hand in power and the Korean government had to seek permission from Japan in matters of administration, diplomacy, finance, policing and military strategies. This was not the end but the beginning of the intention of invasion. Further agreelllents and treaties followed as more and more power was removed from the Royal government of Korea. Finally in 1910 the unification of the two countries was declared. This was not an alliance but rather the subjugation and invasion of Korea by Japan. How did this affect the people emotionally and how did the Christians respond? The most powerful weapon of a Christian is prayer. In 1905 the leaders of the Presbyterian Church ordained that every church should hold "A Week of Prayer for the Nation" following Thanksgiving Day. Sang-Dong Methodist Church in Seoul held a daily early morning prayer meeting. It is said that 2,000 people prayer together-one tenth of the population of Seoul at that time. What was the answer from God? Were the prayers of the Christians in Korea worthless because Japan did invade Korea? ON the surface it seemed as though God did not answer prayer but in two specific ways God gave the Korean Church and its member His blessing. The church had grown numerically since 1895 but large numbers do not always signify spiritual depth. With the movement of Repentance and Revival which started in 1907 the quality of church Meltlbership changed noticeably. It was a time of true spiritual awakening in the life of the Korean Church-God poured down His blessing of purification and true holiness. As a result of the spiritual awakening God's which were left. Only true Christians remained in the church. The church reflected the two social classes which existed in the society of those days. There were the lower lasses-the grass roots and the upper classes-the intelligentsia. People from each group had their own reasons for attending church. The lower classes went to church through a sense of desperation trying to protect themselves and their property from the abuse of power. The upper classes were seeking help from God to save the sovereignty of their nation and what they saw as its fatal destiny in the hands of the Japanese oppressor. For them there was no con리ict between patriotism and Christian belief. So after the invasion by Japan they left and the church and many left the country. 9. One million Souls for Christ Campaign Methodist Missionaries in Gae-Seung 1910-1911 started an evangelistic campaign called "One Million Souls for Christ". The Presbyterian Church responded and participated in the campaign. Christians in Jae-Ryung, Whang-Hae Do pledged to devote 10,000 days to achieve this goal. The 1,000 Christians in Pyung-Yang pledged 22,000 days for personal evangelism. During the same time over 1 million booklets explaining the Christian message and 700,000 copies of the Gospel of St. Mark were sold in Korea. However the crusade can not be said to have been a success as a few people only joined the Church. In Dae-Gu City between 400,500 people claimed to have been converted but less than 50 remained church members. The Rev. J. Adams, and American missionary, points out that personal contact evangelism is more effective than large crusading campaigns. The result of face to face evangelism are more long lasting and effective. Dr. H. Rhodes also expressed the opinion that the "Million Souls for Christ" campaign was a mistakej In those days most Koreans were depressed despondent. As a result of the coercion from the Japanese many were leaving their homes and emigrating. There was a desperate need for consolation and the building of a feeling of self worth which could be found only through the faith and hope of the Gospel. It was necessary to find an effective way of evangelism which would meet the special needs of the people at that time. Each nation has its own character and its own unique needs which must be recognised and addressed and not have solutions imposed from outside. The Gospel message must be preached a fresh to each generation. This is an important lesson for today's church. 10. The Sam-ii Independence Movement In 1919 one of the most tragic incidents of modern history occurred. Since 1910 when Japan had occupied the country many Koreans, in many different ways, had tried to restore the Sovereignty of Korea back to the people. Peaceful demonstrations were held with little effect on the power of the Japanese. This was followed by armed resistance. Again the might and strength of the Japanese army prevailed. In spite of these failures the determination to re-establish independence fromJapan continued. People worked hard to re-gain economic independence and there was a concerted effort to educate people to understand the need to strive for political and national independence The leaders of the Independence Movement derived much strength from the news of the victory of the Allies which ended the First World War in 1918. This was further re-enforced by the Paris Peace Conference, which included Woodraw Wilson President of the U.S.A's 14 articles of peace which became known as "The principle of self-determination of peoples" The death of King Go Jong in January 1919 enabled the people to consolidate in a nation wide independent movement. On Ist March 1919 33 representatives of religious groups, including 16 representing Christian Churches signed a statement of Independence on behalf of the nation of Korea. The proclamation was made in Pagoda Park in the centre of Seoul and it resulted in a massive demonstration of support. For two months the Korean people demonstrated openly their desire for freedom and independence from the shackles of the Japanese occupation. The Japanese army responded with gun fire, showing no respect for human life in the rivers of blood which flowed in the Korean peninsula. The Christians made the biggest sacrifice. In spite of their martyrdom there was no independence. Did God then His face away from the people of Korean in their time of suffering, torture and death? God planted the seed of His Heavenly Kingdom in the heart of Korean Christians, even though they failed to achieve independence from the Japanese to establish their earthly Kingdom. IN their preaching some evangelists emphasised the hope of the Eternal Kingdom of Heaven. This brought comfort to the Korean Christians who were in the depth of despair after the failure of the Sam-II Independence Movement. During this time also many people received healing through the power of the Holy Spirit. One of the great evangelists of those days was the Rev Kim Ik Doe. Many miracles happened during his crusade and many people repented and turned to God. It was like the Day of Pentecost when the Holy Spirit descended upon the people of Jerusalem. People were convinced by the Living Power of God and they rushed to return to church. Church growth had stopped and members even decreased around 1910, the time when the Sam-I1 Independence Movement started, when the church was persecuted and people fled into exile. Now there was fresh hope and the Korean church began to grow again. The Methodist and Presbyterian churches did not miss those opportunities. They started well organised evangelistic campaigns. The Methodists launched "The Century Advance" Movement and the Presbyterian Church "The Forward Movement". As a result between 1920-1925 there was 30% growth in church membership. God gave Korean Christians, who were in despair because of the failure of their independence movement, the hope of being part of His Eternal Kingdom of Heaven instead of an earthly Kingdom with independence from Japan. 11. The Shin-To Wbrship and Church growth. Korean churches and foreign missionaries were always obstacles to Japan in their endeavours to govern Korea as their colony. Around 1930 the Japanese government forced the Korean church to adopt Shin-to worship which claimed the Emperor of Japan as God. The Korean Churches and the missionaries responded with a determination to fight this decree. Dr. J McCune, Principle of the Union Christian College in Pyung-Yang was ordered in 1935 to worship at a Shin-to altar with his students, In 1937 the government refused the registration of new students to schools which rejected the Shin-to worship in Pyung-yang. Under the surveillance of a strong guard of Japanese Police the General Assembly of the Korean Presbyterian Church on 9th October 1938 was forced to make a decision to allow Shin-to worship. Japanese Police had already arrested members of the Presbyterian Church who had rejected Shin-to worship. Rather than comply with this decree many churches closed their doors and people fled from their home-land. During this time many devout Christians were sent to prison and tortured to death. The Christian people of those days chose to keep their faith pure and were prepared to become martyrs of their cause. In spite of this oppression the member of Christians who were baptised increased. It was get another example that no power on the part of man could stop the work of God and His Kingdom. 12. Independence and fhe Korean War. On 15th August 1945 the Japanese Emperor surrendered to the U.N. and the Second World War came to an end. At last Korea was free and independent after being in the shackles ofJapanese occupation for almost 40 years. All who had fought for national independence and the Christians who had rejected Shin-to worship were released from prison. Barely had the people of Korea enjoyed the taste of freedom when the nation entered another period of trial and tribulation. After independence the United States and the Soviet Union military came to Korea to disarm the Japanese army and to help establishment of the independence government. Military administrations were established and the land and nation were divided in to two parts. At the time no one believed that this division would be permanent. On 25th June 1950 north Korea invaded the south and the ensuing war lasted until 1953 when a truce line was established, This Korea war resulted in huge numbers of casualties and devastating damage to property. It confined the division between the south and north and deepened the discord which existed in the Korean nation. Before during the Korean War many Christians who lived in the North moved South to flee from the Communist persecution. That persecution was even worse than the persecution by the Japanese. During the war many tent churches had been set up in Busan, located in south-east Korea. Everyday, early in the morning Christians gathered together to pray for Peace. Lee Sung-man, the first President of Korea, was a Christian and he asked his fellow Christians to pray for victory and peace. Since that time most Korean Churches have continued the tradition of holding "lEarly morning prayer meeting" The real time of testing for the Korean Churches came after the end of the war. Many countries who were part of the UN sent relief of goods and food. Many Christian Charitable organisations were involved in this mission, consequently the churches became the centres for the distribution of the aid. In many ways it was helpful to the people of Korea but it sowed the seeds of many problems for the churches. To begin with it created a large number of "Rice-Christians"-people who came to church simply for what they could get and had nothing to do with faith and belief in the Gospel. These people left the Church as soon as the aid was stopped. All the issues around the distribution of aid caused also caused strife and disseusion amongst the church leaders and their members. The Church grew in spite of persecution in the days of the Japanese colonists and the Communist regime but receiving gift of material things over which the people had no control was not helpful but rather a very realobstacle. This again was an eruperience similar to that of the church in Jerusalem(Acts 6 1-2). 13. The Revival since1960 The growth of the Korean Church came to the attention of Christian group in other countries towards the end of the 1960's and the beginning of the 1970's. The building of massive churches coincided with the economic boom which occurred in Korea. As a matter of fact however there were many internal troubles in the Korean Church. The problems no only affected the churches there was also political chaos. After attaining independence from Japanese domination the first democratic government was formed under the UN military administration. But the government failed to make a clean break from the pro-Japanese influence and some members sympathetic to Japan were allowed to participate in the government. After the cessation of the Korean war, serious disruptions continued during the periods of reconstruction attempted by each government group. On 16th May 1961 there was a military coup in the south. During this time of confusion, Park Chung Hee became the 5th President of the Republic of Korea. In spite of taking office during a period of economic boom he exercised long term powers, which included the October Revitalising Reforms, to elutend his period of rule. But on October, 26th 1979, after 18 years of rule, he was assassinated. Based on the October Revitalising Powers Choi Kyoo Ha was inaugurated as the 1Oth President and he formed a Crisis Control Cabinet. But there was tremendous demand from people of all sections and classes of the society to abolish totally the October Revitalising Reforms and set up a true democracy. Chon Doo Whan when was elected the Ilth and 12th President and No Tae Woo became the 13th President. Four political parties were formed to strengthen parliamentary democracy and help to prevent the power of dictatorship. Each party was based on regional support and this led to political and social problems. The 6th Republic supported innovative thought and democratic government and tried to move away from regional allegiance to strengthen economic development and social stability. At the same time the Christian community itself was confuse. During this period of social disorder a variety of movements and sects sprang up amongst Christian people. Some were mystical in character and others held a belief in a very liberal theology which tended to deny the truth of the Bible. There was also growth in a strong Pentecostal Movement which laid emphasis on the gifts of the Holy Spirit and the ministry of healing. In spite of all these phenomena the Korean Churches continued to grow numerically. Why did the Churches grow while there was so much confusion and dissension in the whole of the Korean society? Firstly the movement of mysticism in the Christian groups with the attendant growth in Church membership could not be ignored in spite of their failure to provide the right teaching about God. Then the growth of the Pentecostal movement must also be taken into account in evaluation the growth of the church. Thirdly there were many Christians among those who benefited financially during the period of rapid economic growth. They provided a positive image of Christianity in the society as a whole. Finally the growth of so many Christian sects posed a challenge to those who previously paid only nominal allegiance to their church and faith. Consequently many of the church leaders and those in authority were awakened to the reality of the situation and committed themselves to the task of evangelism of church growth. Since the 1980's many churches have recognised the danger of the "mystic" sects and the extreme "Spiritual" movement. Therefore they have trained the members of their congregation to develop into more mature Christians through a variety of Bible Study courses similar to those held in the early days of the Christian church in Korea. It can be said that the Korean Churches of today are growing in quality more than in numbers. Conclusion. Nowadays there are many signs of Westernisation to be seen in the Korean society. Some can be interpreted positively but there are also many negative influences. Some church leaders and Christians are not sure if the growth of the Korean church will continue until Jesus' second coming. There are many different phenomena inthe modern Korean churches when compared with those of earlier days. N6t all, but many churches have become rich and Christians have lost their deep passion forprayer and evangelism. How is the Korean church preparing for the future? It is the unending task whichthe Korean church must undertake as it enters the next millennium.
Palestinian Inscriptions
Palestinian Inscriptions 2002-08-05 15:41:22 read : 5 TRANSLATOR: W. F. ALBRIGHT   The Gezer Calendar   This little inscription was discovered at Gczcr in igo8 by R. A. S. Macalistcr; it is on a school exercise tablet of soft limestone. For a number of years its date was uncertain, but recent discoveries establish its relative archaism and point to the second half of the tenth century or the very beginning of the ninth as its probable time. The writer would date it in or about the third quarter of the tenth century-about 925 B.C. in round numbers. The language is good biblical Hebrew, in a very early spelling; it is written in verse and seems to have been a kind of mnemonic ditty for children. The official publication will be found in Macalister, Gezer, it, pp. 24-28, and in, PI. cxxvir. For a nearly exhaustive bibliography up to I934 see Diringer, Le iscrizioni antico-ebraiche palestinesi (Florence, 1934), PP- 1-20, supplemented by Albright, B,4SOR, 92, pp. i6-26. For subsequent bibliography and a full discussion see Sabatino Moscati, Lepigrafia ebraica antica 1935ig5o (Rome 7 1951), pp. 8-26; see also A. M. Honeyman, JR,4S, 1953, PP- 5@58.     His two months are (olive) harvest, (tricolon, 2:2:2) His two months are planting (grain), His two months are late planting; His month is hoeing up of flax, (tricolon, 3:3:3) His month is harvest of barley, His month is harvest and feasting; His two months are vine-tending, (bicolon, 2:2) His month is summer fruit.     The Moabite Stone   This important inscription was discovered intact in i868; it was subsequently broken by the Arabs and in i873 it was taken to the Louvre. The best publication is found in Dussaud, Les monuments pdestiniens et judaiques (Musle du Louvre), igi2, PP. 4-22, with a magnificent photograph of the stela and a good bibliography. The work of Smend and Socin, Die Inschrift des K6nigs Mesa von Moab (i886), which was long standard, is not reliable, as was pointed out in detail by Renan and ClermontGatineau; see especially Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, i, pp. i-io. The most recent competent translation is that of Gressmann, 40T, PP. 440-42. On the question of the authenticity of the text, which was strangely disputed for a long time (in spite of the fact that no forger of that time could possibly have divined the correct forms of letters in the ninth century B.C.), cf. Albright,   IQR, xxxv, 1945, pp. 247-250. For details of translation which depend on recent discoveries see especially Poebel, Das appositionell bestimmte Pronomen (Chicago, 1932), PP. 7-1i; Albright, BISOR, 89, p. i6. n-55. There arc a number of words which were formerly obscure but which have now been found in other Northwest-Semitic in-   r,criptions. The date of the Mesha Stone is roughly fixed by the reference to Mesha, king of Moab, in II Kings 3:4, after 849 B.C. How-   ever, since the contents of the stela point to a date toward ffic end of the king's reiln. it seems probable that it should be placed between 84o and 827o, 'perhaps about 830 B.C. in round numbers.   I(am) Mesha, son of Chemosh-[ ... ], king of Moab, the Dibonite-my father (had) reigned over Moab thirty years, and I reigned after my fatheri-(who) made this high place for Chemosh in Qarhoh [ . because he saved me from all the kings and caused me to triumph over all my adversaries. As for Omri, (5) king of Israel, he humbled Moab many years (lit., days), for Chemosh was angry at his land. And his son followed him and he also said, "I will humble Moab." In my time he spoke (thus), but I have triumphed over him and over his house, while Israel hath perished for ever! (Now) Omri had occupied the land of Medeba, and (Israel) had dwelt there in his time and half the time of his son (Ahab), forty years; but Chemosh dwelt there in my time. And I built Baal-meon, making a reservoir in it, and I built (io) Qaryaten. Now the men of Gad had always dwelt in the land of Ataroth, and the king of Israel had built Ataroth for them; but I fought against the town and took it and slew all the people of the town as satiation (intoxication) for Chemosh and Moab. And I brought back from there Arel (or Oricl), its chieftain, dragging him before Chemosh in Kerioth, and I settled there men of Sharon and men of Maharith. And Chemosh said to me, "Go, take Nebo from Israel!" (15) So I went by night and fought against it from the break of dawn until noon, taking it and slaying all, seven thousand men, boys, women, girls and maid-servants, for I had devoted them to destruction for (the god) Ashtar-Chemosh. And I took from there   the [... ] of Yahweh, dragging them before Chemosh. And the king of Israel had built Jahaz, and he dwelt there while he was fighting against me, but Chemosh drove him out before me. And (2o) I took from Moab two hundred men, all first class (warriors), and set them against jahaz and took it in order to attach it to (the district of) Dibon. It was I (who) built Qarhoh, the wall of the forests and the wall of the citadel; I also built its gates and I built its towers and I built the king's house, and I made both of its reservoirs for water inside the towrl And there was no cistern inside the town at Qarhoh, so I said to all the people, "Let each of you make (25) a cistern for himself in his house!" And I cut beams for Qarhoh with Israelite captives. I built Aroer, and I made the highway in the Arnon (valley); I built Beth-bamoth, for it had been destroyed; I built Bezer-   PALESTINIAN INSCRIPTIONS 321   for it lay in ruins-with fifty men of Dibon, for all Dibon is (my) loyal dependency. And I reigned [in peace] over the hundred towns which I had added to the land. And I built (30) Medeba and Beth-diblathen and Beth-baal-meon, and I set there the f . . . ] of the land. And as for Hauronen, there dwelt in it [ . . . . And] Chemosh said to me, "Go down, fight against Hauronen. And I went down [and I fought against the town and I took it], and Chemosh dwelt there in my time....   The Ostraca of Samaria   This name is applied to a homogeneous group of 63 dockets on Israelite potsherds which were found by G. A. Reisner in igio, while excavating a floor-level from the first phase of the second period of palace construction at Samaria. Owing to a mistake in stratigraphy, which was subsequently corrected by   J. W. Crowfoot and his associates, this level was first attributed to Ahab; it is now reasonably certain that it should be assigned   to the reign of Jeroboam 11 (@bout 786-746 B.c.). The four regnal years mentioned on the Ostraca extend from the ninth to the seventeenth (about 778-770 B.c.). These documents, though jejune in themselves, are of great significance for the script, spelling, personal names, topography, religion, administrative system, and clan distribution of the period. The documents were published first by G. A. Reisner in his rare book, Israelite Ostraca from Samaria (no date). A revised form of this study was then incorporated in the Harvard Excavations at Samaria, by Reisner, Fisher and Lyon (Cambridge, Mass., 1924), pp. 227-246. For a full bibliography up to I933 see Diringer, Le iscrizioni antico-ebraiche palestinesi (Florence, 1934), pp. 2i-68, especially pp. 66-68. Subsequent treatments deal mainly with the question of chronology or with the personal names; cf. especially J. W. Crowfoot, The Buildings at Samaiia (London, 1942), PP- 5-9, 24-27; Albright, B.4SOR, 73, P. 21, n-38.   Samaria Ostracon, No. i   In the tenth year. To Shamaryau (Shemariah) from Beer-yam, a jar of old wine. Pega (son of) Elisha, 2; Uzza (son of) .... I; Eliba, I; Baala (son of) Elisha, I; Jedaiah, z.   Samaria Ostracon, No. 2   In the tenth year. To Gaddiyau from Azzo. Abibaal, 2; AhaZ, 2; Sheba, I; Merib-baal, I.   Samaria Ostracon, No. i8   In the tenth year. From Hazeroth to Gaddiyau. A jar of fine oil.   Samaria Ostracon, No- 30   In the fifteenth year. From Shemida to Hillez (son of) Gaddiyau. Gera (son of) Hanniab.   Samaria Ostracon, No. 55   In the tenth year. (From the) vineyard of Yehau-eli. A jar of fine oil.   4n Order for Barley from Samaria   In 1932 several ostraca were found at Samaria, and were published the following year by E. L. Sukenik. One of them is outstanding because of@its length and relative completeness. The script belongs to the eighth century, probably to its I third quarter; it is characterized by extraordinarily long shafts of such letters as 1, m, n, like other Israelite documents of this general period. The text is difficult, and the rendering below is tentative.   For the official publication see Sukenik, PEQ, I933, PP- 152154; the text has subsequently been treated by Diringer, Le iscrizioni antico-ebraiche pdestinesi (Florence, 1934), PP- 71-72,, and Albright, PEQ, 1936,'pp. 2.iz-x5.   Baruch (son of) Shdlum [... ] 0Baruch ... pay attention and [give ( ?) to ... (son of) ] Yimnah (Imnah) barley (to the amount of) two (or three?) measures.     The Siloam Inscription   Accidentally discovered in i88o in the rock wall of the lower entrance to the tunnel of Hezekiah south of the temple area in Jerusalem, the inscription is now in the Museum of the Ancient Orient at Istanbul. Its six lines occupy the lower half of a prepared surface, the upper part of which was found bare Of inscription. It @s,. accordingly, almost certain that the first half of the original document is missing. Its contents and script point to the reign of Hezekiah (about 715-687 B.c.), a dating confirmed by II Kings 20:2o and especially If Chron- 32:30- There is a very extensive bibliography, which is collected up to 1932 by Diringer, Le isc7izioni antico-ebraiche palestinesi (Florence, 1934), PP- 95-102. For later publications see Sabatino Moscati, L'e@afia ebraica antics r935-ig5o (Rome, 1951) and Albright, IBL, 62, p- 370. The language is perfect classical Hebrew prose, but the spellin is not entirely consistent; transrations can easily be judged by the quality of Hebrew which they presuppose.   [... when] (the tunnel) was driven through. And this was the way in which it was cut through:-While [... ] (were) still [ . ] axe(s), each man toward his fellow, and while there were still three cubits to be cut through, [there was heard] the voice of a man calling to his fellow, for there was an overlap in the rock on the right [and on the left]. And when the tunnel was driven through, the quarrymen hewed (the rock), each man toward his fellow, axe against axe; and the water flowed from the spring toward the reservoir for i,2oo cubits, and the height of the rock above the head(s) of the quarrymen was zoo cubits.     The Lachish Ostraca   These ostraca were discovered in the ruins of the latest Israelite occupation at Tell ed-Duwcir in southern Palestine, which unquestionably represents biblical Lachish. The first i8 were found by the late J. L. Starkey in 1935; three more (making 2I in all) were added during a supplementary campaign in 1938. Most of the ostraca were letters, while others were lists of names, etc., but only a third of the documents are preserved well enough to be reasonably intelligible throughout.   Nearly all of the ostraca come from the lates't occupation level.
The Asiatic Campaigns of THE BATTLE OF MEGIDDO
The Asiatic Campaigns of 2002-08-05 15:41:01 read : 4 Thut-mose III   THE FIRST CAMPAIGN: THE BATTLE OF MEGIDDO   Thut-mosc III (about 1490-1436 B.C.) was the conquering pharaoh who set the Egyptian Empire on a foundation firm for almost a century. For twenty years he led campaigns into Asia almost every year. Some of these campaigns involved serious fighting, others were parades of strength. We have detailed information on his first campaign (perhaps 1468 B.C.), which attacked the focus of Asiatic resistance in the Canaanite city of Megiddo. The campaigns of subsequent years may have been just as fully recorded, but that detail has been condensed in the texts deriving from those years.'   A. THE ARMANT STELA   Ared granite stela, broken and reused in later constructions, was found at Armant in Upper Egypt and published in R. Mond and 0. H. Myers, The Temples of 4rmant. 4 Preliminary Survey (London, 1940), Pls. xi, No. 5; LXXXVIii, No. 8; and   Is This translation omits the account of campaigns in Nubia undcr Ahmose 1, Amen-hotep 1, and Thut-mose 1, and resumes with the record of an Asiatic campaign under Thut-mose 1, whcn Ah-mose must have been a restively old man.   14 Syria-Palestine in general. 15 "The Two Rivers," the area of the Euphrates bend. 16 "That fallen one," a frequent designation of a major enemy- 17 It has bccn pointed out that only in the stretch of patriotic enthusiasm of the first century of the x8th dynasty did the Egyptians speak of "our army," instead of ascribing the troops to the pharaoh -   18 Two more documents may be cited on Ah-mose I's campaigning in Asia. In the tomb of a certain Ah-mose callcd Pen-Nekhbet at cl-Kab (Sethe, OP-cit-, 35; Breasted, ap.cit., 20), a notation runs: "I followed the King of Uppcr and Lower Egypt: Neb-pehti-Re, the triumphant. I   took booty for him in Djahi: I person and I hand." In a text of Ah-m ose I'S 22nd year in the quarries of MaAsara, south of Cairo (Sethe, open., 25; Breasted, opcit., 27), therc is a rccord of the reopening of the quarries for stone to be used in certain temples. Part of the inscription runs: "The stone was dragged by the cattle which his [victories] thoughout the lands of the Ferfkhu had carried off," The accompanying scene shows Asiatics driving the cattle. Diahi and Fenkhu apply to the Phoenician coast running down into Palestinc and including the hinterland-further north than southern Palestine.     IOn the dctail for the first campaign, cf. n-39 below. On the abbreviation in the carved rccord of subsequent campaigns see the text of the seventh campaign (P. 239 bel0w). ciii; Text Volume, x82-84, with a translation and commentary by M. S. Drower. Like the Barkal Stela, treated below, this stela does not deal with events in chronological order. Those elements which belong to other campaigns will be noted in relation to those campaigns. Here only the material of the first campaign is translated.   Live the Horus: Mighty Bull, Appearing in Thebes; the Two Goddesses: Enduring of Kingship, like Re in Heaven; the Horus of Gold: Majestic of Appearances, Mighty of Strength; the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lord of the Two Lands, Lord of Making Offerings: Men-kheper-Re; the Son of Re, of his Body: Thutmose Heqa-Maat, beloved of Montu, Lord of Thebes, Residing in Hermonthis,' living forever. Year 22, 2nd month of the second season, day io.' Summary of the deeds of valor and victory which this good god performed, being every effective deed of heroism, beginning from the first generation; that which the Lord of the Gods, the Lord of Hermonthis, did for him: the magnification of his victories, to cause that his deeds of valor be related for millions of years to come, apart from the deeds of heroism which his majesty did at all times. If (they) were to be related all together by their names, they would be (too) numerous to put them into writing.... His majesty made no delay in proceeding to the land of (io) Djahi,' to kill the treacherous ones who were in it and to give things to those who were loyal to him; uitness, indeed, [their] names, each [country] according to its time. His majesty returned on each occasion, when his attack had been effected in valor and victory, so that he caused Egypt to be in its condition as (it was) when Re was in it as king. [Year 22, 4th month of the second season, day ... Proceeding] from Memphis,' to slay the countries of the wretched Retenu, on the first occasion of victory. It was his majesty who opened its roads and forced its every way for his army, after it had made [rebellion, gathered in Megid]do. His majesty entered upon that road which becomes very narrows as the first of his entire army, while every country had gathered, standing prepared at its mouth. ... The enemy quailed, fleeing headlong to their town, together with the prince who was in ... (i5)... to them, beseeching [breath], their goods upon their backs. His majesty returned in gladness of heart, with this entire land as vassal . . . [,4sia]tics, coming at one time, bearing [their] tribute ...   B. THE ANNALS IN KARNAK The "Annals" of Thut-mose Ill's military campaigns are carved on the walls of the Temple of Karnak, in recognition of   2 Hermonthis is modern Armant. 8For the first twenty-two years of his reign, Thut-mose III had been overshadowed by the queen Hat-shepsut. Then he seized power with some show of violence and indulgcd his desire for military activity almost immediately. The present date is two and a Half months earlier than Thut-mosc's departure from the Egyptian frontier (n.9 below). Drower, open., 183, n. b, suggests that the present date may be the beginning of his sole reign. 4 Centrally Phocnicia, but here Syria-Palestine.   5 The formal departure from Memphis must have preceded the passing   of the Egyptian' frontier (n.9 below). 6 Ile pass through the Carmel rangc Icading to Megiddo; cf. n.2o below. EGYPTIAN HISTORICAL TEXTS 235   the fact that the god Amon-Re had given victory. The text appears in C. R. Lepsius, Denkmdler aus Aegypten und ,4ethiopi'en (Berlin, i849-59), III, 3ib-32., and in K. Sethe, Urkunden der i8. Dynastie (Urk., iv), in, 647-77. Translations and commentary will be found in Breasted, AR, it, 391-443; H. H. Nelson, The Battle of Megiddo (Chicago, 1913), with topographical study; and R. Faulkner, in JE,4, xxviii (1942),   2-15.   The Horus: Mighty Bull, Appearing in Thebes; ... (Thut-mose III).' His majesty commanded that [the victories which his father Amon had given to him] should be established [upon] a monument in the temple which his majesty had made for [his father Amon, in order to set down] (5) each individual campaign,' together with the booty which [his majesty] carried [off from it, and the dues of] every [foreign comntry] which his father Re had given to him. Year 22, 4th month of the second season, day @5.' [His majesty passed the fortress of] Sile," on the first campaign of victory [which his majesty made to extend] the frontiers of Egypt, in valor, [in victor   Y, in power, and in justification]. Now this was a [long] time in years ... (io) plunder, while every man was [tributary] before . . ." But it happened in later times" that the garrison which was there was in the town Of Sharuhen," while from Iursa to the outer ends of the earth" had become rebellious against his majesty." Year 23, ist month of the third season, day 4, the day of the feast of the king's coronation-as far as the town of "That-Which-the-Ruler-Seized," [of which the Sylian name is] Gaza." [Year 23,] (I5) ist month of the third season, day 5departure from this place, in valor, [in victory,] in   7 The royal titulary, much as translated al>ove for the Armant Stela. 8 "An expedition by its name." cf. n-39 below.   9Tentativcly, Aprfl i6, 1468 B.c., accepting, for this translation, the . date for the battle of Megiddo (n.35 below), as given by L. Borchardt, Die Mittel zur zeitlichen Festlegung von Punkten der dgyptischen Geschichle (Quellen "nd Forschungen zur dgyptischen Geschichre, II, Cairo, 1935), 12o. The precise date will depend upon an establishment of what the ancic'nt Egyptian3   meant by a "new moon." 113 Or Tjaru, the Egyp6an fronticr post, at or near modern Kantarah.   11 Sethe (see his justification in Z,4eS, xlvii II9101, 74-84) rcstores a contcxt refcffing to the Hyksos rule in Egypt, as a forerunner of the prescnt "rcvoit" in Palestine: "Now it was a [long] time in years [that they had ruled this land, which had been] plundered, while every man was [tributary] before [thcir princcs, who were in Avaris]." 'nis is too spccific for a restoration. See n.i5 below.   12 "In the times of other (persons)." 18 In southwestern Canaan; SCC P. 233b, n.i2, above. IL4 From southern Palestine to northern Syria. 15 Sethe's restoration (n.i I above) assumes three steps: (a) the Hyksos ruled Egypt from Avaris; (b) thcy were driven by Ah-mosc I to Sharuhcn in Palestine; (c) now, a century latcr, Asia is in revolt against Thut-mose 111-that is, the encmics are these same Hyksos. B. Gunn and A. H. Gardiner, in JE,4, v (1918), 54, n.2, reject Sethe's restoration as assuming t(>o much. They tr2nslate the last sentence: "But it happened in other times that the garrison which was there (i.e. in Palestine) was in Sha@hen, when from Y@d to the ends of the earth had f2llen into rebellion against His Majesty." This would take the Hyksos out of the context and would assume that an Asiatic rebellion had pushed back an Egyptian garrison from a northern town (like Megiddo) to Sharuhen at the extreme south of Palestine. "Instead of the above translation, one may render: "2S far as a town of the holding of the Ruler, [of which the name was] Gaza . . ." On Borchardt's reckoning, the Egyptians rcached Gaza on April 25, 1468, having traveled at the respectable rate of 150 miles in 9 or zo days. As this date was the anniversary of Thut-mose 111's coronation, the year number changed from 22 to 23-   power, and in justification, in order to overthrow that wretched enemy," and to extend the frontiers of Egypt, according to the command of his father Amon-Re, the [valiant] and victorious, that he should capture. Year 23, ist month of the third season, day i6"-as far as the town of Yehem. [His majesty] ordered a conference with his victorious army, speaking as follows: "That [wretched] enemy (20) of Kadesh has come and has entered into Megiddo. He is [there] at this moment. He has gathered to him the princes of [every] foreign country [which had been] loyal to Egypt, as well as (those) as far as Naharin and M[itanni], them of Hurru, them of Kode, their horses, their armies, [and their people], for he says-so it is reported@I shall wait [here] (25) in Megiddo [to fight against his majesty].' Will ye tell me [what is in your hearts] ?"" They said in the presence of his majesty: "What is it like to go [on] this [road] which becomes (so) narrow? It is [reported] that the foe is there, waiting on [the outside, while they are] becoming (more) numerous. Will not horse (have to) go after [horse, and the army] (30) and the people similarly? Will the vanguard of us be fighting while the [rear guard] is waiting here in Aruna, unable to fight?'o Now two (other) roads are here. One of the roads-behold, it is [to the east of] us, so that it comes out at Taanach. The other-behold, it is to the (35) north side of Djefti, and we will come out to the north of Megiddo." Let our victorious lord proceed on the one of [them] which is [satisfactory to] his heart, (but) do not make us go on that difficult road 1" Then messages [were brought in about that wretched enemy, and discussion was continued] of [that] problem on which they had previously spoken. That which was said in the majesty of the Court-life, prosperity, health!'@"I [swear], (40) as Re loves me, as my father Amon favors me, as my [nostrils] are rejuvenated with life and satisfaction, my majesty shall proceed upon this A runa road! Let him of you who wishes go upon these roads of which you speak, and let him of you who wishes come in the following of my majesty! 'Behold,' they will say, these (45) enemies whom Re abominates, 'has   17 Not yet specificd by name or title. The Prince of Kadesh-probably Kadcsh on the Orontes-was the leader of the coalition against Egypt. See   n.ig below. 18 May 7, 1468 (Borchardt). Aftcr leaving the Egyptian-held city of Gaza, the army's rate was notably slower through territory which was actually or potentially rebellious. Perhaps so miles were covered in II or i2 days. Yehem (possibly jahmai or similar) is tentatively located by Nelson at Yemma on the south side of the Carmel ridgc. "I It is probable from the nature of this coalition and from Thut-mose's subsequent campaigns that this Kadesh was the city on the Orontes. T'he Barkal Stela (P. 238) gives the coalition 2s 330 princes, i.e. rulers of city states. Naharin and Mitanni (restoration not certain) were at the bcnd of the Euphrates. Hurru (or Kharu) was generally Syria-Palestine, and Kode the coast of north Syria and of Cilicia. 20 Nelson's topographic reconstruction gives die situation confronting the Egyptians. If they went straight ahead on the narrow track debauching just south of Megiddo, they had to go in single file and would be particularly vulnerable. Aruna, perhaps modern Tell 'Ar5 in the pass, was not "here" at Yehem, since it was a few miles further north. It was "here" on the southern side of the mountain range. 2'Two safer mountain tracks were offered as alternatives, one debouching at Taanach, 4 or 5 miles southeast of Megiddo, and one debouching at an unknown point north(west) of Megiddo. 22 That is, the voice from the throne. The Court moved with the pharaoh.   236 EGYPTIAN HISTORICAL TEXTS   his majesty set out on another road because he has become afraid of us?'-so they will speak." They said in the presence of his majesty: "May thy father Amon, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, Presiding over Karnak, act [according to thy desire]! Behold, we are following thy majesty everywhere that [thy majesty] goes, for a servant will be after [his] lord." [Then his majesty laid a charge] (5o) upon the entire army: "[Ye] shall [hold last to the stride of your victorious lord on] that road which becomes (so) na[rrow. Behold, his majesty has taken] an oath, saying: 'I will not let [my victorious army] go forth ahead of my majesty in [this place!"' Now his majesty had laid it in his heart] that he himself should go forth at the head of his army. [Every man] was made aware (55) of his order of march, horse following horse, while [his majesty] was at the head of his army. Year 23, ist month of the third season, day ig'@the awakening in [life] in the tent of life, prosperity, and 21   health, at the town of Aruna. Proceeding northward by my majesty, carrying my father Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands, [that he might open the ways] before me," while Har-akhti established [the heart of my victorious army] (6o) and my father Amon strengthened the arm [of my majesty].... Then [his] majesty issued forth" [at the head of] his [army], which was [prepared] in many ranks. [He had not met] a single [enemy. Their] southern wing" was in Taanach, [while their] nothern wing was on the south side [of the Qina Valley." Then] (65) his majesty rallied them saying: ". . . ! They are fallen!" While that [wretched] enemy ... [May] ye [give praise] to (70) [him; may ye extol the might of] his majesty, because his arm is greater than (that of) [any king. It has indeed protected the rear of] his majesty's army in Aruna!" Now while the rear of his majesty's victorious army was (still) at [the town] of Aruna, the vanguard had come out into the [Qi]na Valley, and they filled the mouth of this valley. Then they said to his majesty-life, prosperity, health! -(75) "Behold, his majesty has come forth with his victorious army, and they have filled the valley. Let our victorious lord listen to us this time, and let our lord guard for us the rear of his army and his people. When the rear of the army comes forth for us into the open, then we shall fight against these foreigners, then we   23 Three days after the arrival in Yehem. See n.x8 above, n-35 below. 14 An impersonal expression for the beginning of the day with the king's awaking. 21 The standard of Amon led the way. See it thus leading the way in the timc of Ramses III, in the Epigraphic Survey, Medinet Habu, 1. The Earlzer Historical Records of Ramses III (OIP, viii, Chicago, 1930), Pl. 1726 From the pass on to the Megiddo plain. 27 "Horn." This was the Asiatic wing. Why they were drawn up opposite the mouth of the pass and yet had not hcld the pass against the thin Egyptian line is inexplicable. 28 The Qina is still represented by a brook flowing south of Megiddo.   29 The preceding verb means "summon," rather than "cry out." Therefore, we should have Thut-mose's rallying cry to his army behind him. When he said: "They are falicnl" he was anticipating the fall of the Asiatics, because they had failcd to guard the pass.   shall not trouble our hearts [about] the rear of (8o) our                 army. 11   Ahalt was made by his majesty outside, [seated] there and guarding the rear of his victorious army. Now the [leaders] had just finished coming forth on this road when the shadow turned." His majesty reached the south of Megiddo on the bank of the Qina brook, when the seventh hour was in (its) course in the day." Then a camp was pitched there for his majesty, and a charge was laid upon the entire army, [saying]: "Prepare ye! Make your weapons ready, since one" will engage in combat with that wretched enemy in the morning, because one is ... !" Resting in the enclosure of life, prosperity, and health." Providing for the officials. Issuing rations to the retinue. Posting the sentries of the army. Saying to them: "Be steadfast, be steadfast! Be vigilant, be vigilant!" Awakening in life in the tent of life, prosperity, and health. They came to tell his majesty: "The desert is well," and the garrisons of the south and north also!" Year 23, ist month of the third season, day 2I, the day of the feast of the true new moon." Appearance of the king at dawn. Now a charge was laid upon the entire army to pass by ... (85) His majesty set forth in a chariot of fine gold, adorned with his accoutrements of combat, like Horus, the Mighty of Arm, a lord of action like Montu, the Theban, while his father Amon made strong his arms. The southern wing of his majesty's army was at a hill south of [the] Qina [brook], and the northern wing was to the northwest of Megiddo, while his majesty was in their center, Amon being the protection of his person (in) the melee and the strength of [Seth pervading] his members. Thereupon his majesty prevailed over them at the head of his army. Then they saw his majesty prevailing over them, and they fled headlong [to] Megiddo with faces of fear. They abandoned their horses and their chariots of gold and silver, so that someone might draw them (up) into this town by hoisting on their garments. Now the people had shut this town against them, (but) they [let down] garments to hoist them up into this town. Now, if only his majesty's army had not given up their hearts to capturing the possessions of the enemy, they would [have captured] Megiddo at this time, while the wretched enemy of Kadesh and the wretched enemy of this town were being dragged (up) hastily to get them into their town, for the fear of his majesty entered   30 It was noon, and the shadow clock should be turned around. The Egyptian van thus reachcd the Megiddo plain seven hours (see the next note) bcfore the rear of the army emerged and Thut-mosc could go into   camp. 81 Presumably seven hours after the turning of the sun, although this is not ccrtain. 32 Pharaoh.   83 These brief notations, without true Sentence form, probably derive from the army's daybook. The royal enclosure was doubtless an elaborate pavhion such as that shown in scenes of Ramses 11's campaigns, e.g. A. Erman and   H. Ranke, 4egypten (Tilbingen, 1923), 635. 84 Faulkner suggests that this is the equivalent of "The coast is clear." 35 Borchardt's date for the battle is May i2, 1468. However, this rem on his understanding of "the true(?) new moon." In addition, Faulkner points out that "day 20" seems to have dropped out sincc the departure from Aruna (n.23 above).   EGYPTIAN HISTORICAL TEXTS 237   [their bodies], their arms were weak, [for] his serpentdiadem had overpowered them. Then their horses and their chariots of gold and silver were captured as an easy [prey." Ranks] of them were lying stretched out on their backs, like fish in the bight Of a net, while his majesty's victorious army counted up their possessions. Now there was captured [that] wretched [enemy's] tent, which was worked [with silver], ... Then the entire army rejoiced and gave raise to   p Amon [because of the victory] which he had given to his son on [this day. They lauded] his majesty and extolled his victories. Then they presented the plunder which they had taken: hands," living prisoners, horses, and chariots of gold and silver and of painted uork.   (90).... [Then his majesty commanded] his army with the words: "Capture ye [effectively, my] victorious [army]! Behold, [afl foreign count?ies] have been put [in this town by the command] of Re on this day, inasmuch as every prince of every [northern] country is shut up within it, for the capturing of Megiddo is the capturing of a thousand towns! Capture ye firmly, firmly! . . ." [Orders uere issued to the corn I manders of the troops to Pro[vide for their divisions and to inform] each [man] of his place. They measured [this] city, which was corralled with a moat and enclosed with fresh timbers of all their pleasant trees, while his majesty himself was in a fortress cast of this town, [being] watchful ... ... [enclosed] with a girdle wall,. . . by its girdle wall. Its name was called "Men-kheper-Re-is-the-Corraller-of-the-Asiatics." People were appointed as sentries at the enclosure of his majesty, and they were told: "Be steadfast, be steadfast! Be vigilant, [be vigilant]!" . . . his majesty .... [Not one] of them [was permitted to go] outside from behind this wall, except to come out at a knock on the door of their fortress." Now everything which his majesty did to this town and to that wretched enemy and his wretched army is set down by the individual day, by the individual expedition, and by the individual [troop] commanders." ... They [are] set down on a roll of leather in the temple of Amon today. Now the princes of this foreign country came on their bellies to kiss the ground to the glory of his majesty   86 "As a go-fand-take]." 31 Cut off from the fallen foe as tokens of battle accomplishment.   18 The besieged Asiatics werc permitted only to appear if Egyptians called'them out? Alternatively: "except to come out to surrender(?) 2t the door of their fortress." The siege lasted sevcn months (Barkat Stela, P.   23 8 below). Further information on the sicge is givcn on a stela from the Ptah Temple at K2Mak (Sethe, P-ci . t., 767): "My ma . esty returned 0 11 from the forcign country of Rctenu on the first occasion of the victories which my father Amon gave to me, when he gavc me all the countries of Diahil g2thered together and shut up in a single town. The fear of my majesty pcrvaded their hearts; they werc fallen and powerless when I reached them. There was no lack of runaWaYS 2mong thcm. I corralled th in a singlc town. I built a girdlc wall around it, to cut thcm off from   the brcath of life."   89 "On the day in its name, in the name of the journeys and in the names of the commanders of [troops]." In the Theban tomb biography of "the Army Scribe" T)aneni, who served under Thut-mose III (Sethe, opcit., I004), we read: "I was the one who set down the victories which he 2chicvcd over Every foreign country, put into writing as it was done." and to beg breath for their nostrils, because his arm was (so) great, because the prowess of Amon was (so) great [over (95) every] foreign [country]'o ... [all] the princes whom the prowess of his majesty carried off, bearing their tribute of silver, gold, lapis lazuli, and turquoise, and carrying grain, wine, and large and small cattle for the army of his majesty, with one gang of them bearing tribute southward." Then his majesty appointed princes anew for [every town].... [List of the booty which his majesty's army carried off from the town of] Megiddo: 340 living prisoners and 83 hands; 2,o4i horses, igi foals, 6 stallions, and . . . colts; ii chariot worked with gold, with a body of gold, belonging to that enemy, [i] fine chariot worked with gold belonging to the Prince of [Megiddo] and 892 chariots of his wretched army-total: 924; I fine bronze coat of mail belonging to that enemy, [i] fine bronze coat of mail belonging to the Prince of Meg [iddo, and] 200 [leather] coats of mail belonging to his wretched army; 502 bows; and 7 poles of meru-wood, worked with silver, of the tent of that enemy. Now the army [of his majesty] carried off [cattle] : 387 .... I,929 COWS, 2,000 goats, and 20,500 sheep. List of what was carried off afterward by the ki@g from the household goods of that enemy, who [was in] Yanoam, Nuges, and Herenkeru," together with the property of those towns which had made themselves ;ubject to him . . . : ; 38 (maryanu] belonging to them," 84 children of that enemy and of the princes who were with him, 5 maryanu belonging to them, i,796 male and female slaves, as well as their children, and io3 pardoned persons, who had come out from that enemy because of hunger-total: 2,5o3-apart from bowls of costly stone and gold, various vessels, (ioo) . . . , a large akunu-jar in Syrian work, jars, bowls, plates, various drinking vessels, large kettles, [x + ] 117 knives -making 1,784 deben;" gold in discs, found in the process of being worked, as well as abundant silver in discs @ deben and I kidet;" a silver statue in the form of .... [a statue] . . . , with head of gold; 3 walking sticks with human heads; 6 carrying-chairs of that enemy, of ivory, ebony, and carob-wood, worked with gold, and the 6 footstools belonging to them; 6 large tables of   40 On the surrender, see also the Barkal Stela (P. 238). 41 Toward Egypt.   42 Elsewhere in the Tcmple of Karnak (Sethe, opcit., 744), Thut-MOse III states that hc presented to Amon "threc towns in Upper Retenu-Nugcs the name of one, Yanoam the namc of another, and Herenkeru the name of another-taxed with annual dues for the divine offerings of my father Amon." "Upper Retenu" properly stands for the mountain territory of north Palestine and Southern Syria, and Yanoam secms to have been in the   Lake Hulch area. The three towns would then bc somewhere in that 2rea. Sec A. H. Gardiner Incient Egyptian Onomastica (London, 1947), 1, i68* ff. Wc do not inow what is meant by "that enemy" being in these towns. The dedicatory inscriptions translated under D below suggest that Thut-mose had time for a campaign in the Lebanon while Mcgiddo was under sicge.   48 The maryanu were the warrior or officcr class in Asia at this time. Cf. P. 22, n.2. "Belonging to them" refers to listed individuals in the lost context above (474 are missing from the total), and probably includes the women of the Asiatic princes.   44 About 435 lb. Troy of metal value (probably reckoned in silver) in the listed pieces.   41 About 235 lb. Troy. Uncert2in whether of silvcr only, or of the combined value of gold and silver.   238 EGYPTIAN HISTORICAL TEXTS   ivory and carob-wood; I bed belonging to that enemy, of carob-wood, worked with gold and with every (kind of) costly stone, in the manner of a Parker," completely worked in gold; a statue of that enemy which was there, of ebony worked with gold, its head of lapis [lazuli] ... ; bronze vessels, and much clothing of that enemy. Now the fields were made into arable plots and assigned to inspectors of the palace-life, prosperity, health!-in order to reap their harvest. List of the harvest which his majesty carried off from the Megiddo acres: 207,300 + x] sacks of wheat," apart from what was cut as forage by his majesty's army....   C. THE BARKAL STELA   In his 47th year, Thut-mose III erected at Gebel Barkal near the Fourth Cataract a granite stela surrunarizing some of the achievements of his reign. It was published, with photograph, transcription, and translation, by G. A. and M. B. Reisner in ZAES, LXIX (I933), 24-39, Pls. iii-v. Only that part of the text which deals with the first campaign is translated below. Another extract will be found below under the eighth campaign.   Irepeat further to you-hear, 0 people! (ig) He" entrusted to me the foreign countries of Retenu on the first campaign, when they had come to engage with my majesty, being millions and hundred-thousands of men, the individuals of every foreign country, waiting in their chariOts-330 princes, every one of them having his (own) army. When they were in the Qina Valley and away from it, in a tight spot, good fortune befell me among them, when my majesty attacked them. Then they fled immediately or fell prostrate. When they entered into Megiddo, my majesty shut them up for a period up to seven months, before they came out into the open, pleading to my majesty and saying: "Give us thy breath, our lord! The countries of Retenu will never repeat rebellion another time!" Then that enemy and the princes who were with him sent out to my majesty, with all their children carrying abundant tribute: gold and silver, all their horses which were with them, their great chariots of gold and silver, as well as those which ucre painted, all their coats of mail, their bows, their arrows, and all their weapons of warfare. It was these with which they had come from afar to fight against my majesty, and now they were bringing them as tribute to my majesty, while they were standing on their walls, giving praise to my majesty, seeking that the breath of life might be given to them. (24) Then my majesty had administered to them an oath of fealty, with the words: "We will not repeat evil against Men-kheper-Re, who lives forever, our good lord, in our time of life, inasmuch as we have seen his power, and he has given us breath as he wishes! It was his father who did it-[Amon-Re, Lord of the Thrones of the Two Lands]-it was not the hand of man!"   46 An unknown object of wood.   4T Something like 45o,ooo bushels. 48 Amon-Re,   Then my majesty had them given leave to (go to) their cities. They all went on donkey(back), so that I might take their horses. I took captive the townspeople thereof for Egypt, and their possessions likewise.   D. FROM A DEDICATORY INSCRIPTION   In the Temple of Karnak Thut-mose III recorded the offerings and feasts which he established for the god Amon-Re in return for his victories. An extract from the beginning of this text gives further information on the first campaign. Perhaps during the seven months' siege of Megiddo, the pharaoh had been able to send a detachment north and establish a fortress outpost somewhere in the Lebanon. The text appears in I&psius, op. cit., 3ob, and in Sethe, OP-cit-, 73@40. It is translated in Breasted, OP-cit., 548-49.   ... in the country of Retenu, in a fortress which my majesty built through his victories, a central point of the princes of Lebanon, of which the name shall be "Menkheper-Re-is-the-Binder-of-the-Vagabonds." Now when he landed at Thebes, his father Amon was [in joy].... My majesty established for him a Feast of Victory anew, at the time when my majesty returned from the first victorious campaign, overthrowing the wretched Retenu and extending the frontiers of Egypt, in the year 23, as the first of the victories which he decreed to me.   SUBSEQUENT CAMPAIGNS   Thut-mose III conducted at least sixteen campaigns into Asia in a period of twenty years. Some campaigns involved difficult fighting, some were mere parades of strength to organize the new empire. The records of some campaigns consist simply of statements of "tribute" to Egypt-from Retenu, Djahi, and Cyprus; from Nubia, Ethiopia, and Punt; and from Naharin, Hatti, Assyria, and Babylonia. Obviously, some of this was truly tribute from conquered countries, but some of it consisted of gifts from distant and sovereign lands. This translation includes only those campaigns having greater interest. For Thut-mose Ill's Hymn of Victory, see PP. 373-375 below. For a legend about the capture of Joppa under Thut-mose III, see pp. 22-23 above.   A. FIFTH CAMPAIGN   By his fifth campaign, in his 29th year, Thut-mose was moving as far north as the towns of Tunip and Ardata, somewhere in north Syria. From the "Annals" in Karnak: Sethe, open., 68588; bibliography on 68o. Translation in Breasted, open., 45462.   (3) Year 29.' Now [his] majesty [was in Dja]hi, destroying the countries which had been rebellious to him, on the fifth victorious campaign. Now his majesty captured the town of Wartet.' . . . List of the plunder which was taken from this town, from the garrison of that enemy of Tunip: I prince of this town; 329 teher-   Adate isolatcd in broken context on the Armant Stela (P. 234 abolve) gives: "Year 29, 4th month of the second scason, day . . . " which would correspond to the earliest month dotes in the first campaign. The Egyptian campaigning season normally fell just after the Egyptian harvest, but just before the Asiatic harvest, for maximum advantage to Egypt.   2Unknown, but apparently a garrison town for Tunip, which seems to have been in the north Syrian plain.
The Code of Hammurabi
The Code of Hammurabi 2002-08-05 15:40:21 read : 4 (Translator: Theophile J. Meek)   Hammurabi (also spelled Hammurapi) was the sixth of eleven kings in the Old Babylonian (Amorite) Dynasty. He ruled for 43 years, froml728 to x686 according to the most recent calculations.' The da'te-formula for his second year, "The year he enacted the law of the land," indicates that he promulgated his famous lawcode at the very beginning of his reiin, but the cor)v which we have could not have been written so @arly because @h@ Prologue refers to events much later than this. Our copy was written on a diorite stela, topped by a bas-relief showing Hammurabi in the act of receivi@i the commission to write the ]awbook from the god of justice, the sun-god Shamash. The stela   10 Markings that can easily be removed.   I For the most r   RB, LIXT (1946), 3: Western .4sia and   B. L. van der Wac   P. R. de Vaux, Chro ?Iogy ot   (1942'), 1 ff.;   i64 LAWS FROM MESOPOTAMIA AND ASIA MINOR   was carried off to the old Elamite capital, Susa (the Shushan of Esther and Daniel), by some Elamite raider (apparently Shutruk-Nahhunte, about 1207-1171 B.c.) as a trophy of war. It was discovered there by French archaeologists in the winter Of 1901-I9O2 and was carried off by them to the Louvre in Paris as a trophy of archaeology. All the laws from col. xvi 77 to the end of the obverse (from the end of 65 to the beginning of Sioo) were chiseled off by the Elamites, but these have been preserved in large part on other copies of the Code. The Prologue and Epilogue are written in semi-poetic style, marked by parallelism but not by regular metrical structure. The original Stela was published by V. Scheil, Mimoires de la diligation en Perse, IV (I9O2), ii ff. The best edition of the Code in all its known copies is A. Deimel, Codex Hammurabi (1930; 3rd ed. by E. Bergmann, 1953). The English edition by R. F. Harper, The Code of Hammurabi (1904), includes only the stela, and its translation is naturally antiq ' uated. The best translation is that by Wilhelm Eilers, 40, xxxl (I93I), Heft 3/4. The latest and quite exhaustive commentary is G. R. Driver and John C. Miles, The Babylonian Laws, i, @gal Commentary (1952), which is to be followed by a translation in Vol. it. A tablet containing a slightly variant copy of the Prologue has been published by J. Nougayrol, RA, xLv (I951), 67-79. The present translation, like that of the following legal texts, is much influenced by two articles: A. Goetze, The t-Form of the Old Babylonian Verb, IAOS, Lvi (1936), 297-334, and T. J. Meek, The Asyndeton Clause in the Code of Hammurabi, INES, v i 946), 64-72.   THE PROLOGUE   (i) When lofty Anum,' king of the Anunnaki,' (and) Enlil,' lord of heaven and earth, the determiner of the destinies of the land, determined for Marduk,' the first-born of Enki,' (io) the Enlil functions over all mankind, made him great among the Igigi,' called Babylon by its exalted name, made it supreme in the world, established for him in its midst an enduring kingship, (20) whose foundations are as firm as heaven and earth- at that time Anum and Enlil named me to promote the welfare of the people.' me, Hammurabi, the devout, gocl-fearing prince, (30) to cause justice to prevail in the land, to destroy the wicked and the evil, that the strong might not oppress the we@ll -@lack   to rise like the sun over the -headed (people),'   (40) and to light up the land.   2 The sky-god, the leader of the pantheon, worshiped especially in the temple of Eanna in Uruk along with the goddess Inanna. 3In this inscription the Anunnaki are the lesser gods attendant upon Anum and the Igigi are the lesser gods attendant on Entil. 4The storm-god, the chief executive of the pantheon, worshiped especially in the temple of Ekur in Nippur in central Babylonia, modern Nuffar. 5The son of Enki and consort of Sarpanit; the god of Babylon and in Hammurabi's time the god of the Babylonian Empire with the functions of Enlil delegated to him; worshiped especially in the temple of Esagila in Babylon. 6Lord of the earth and the-mass of life-giving waters within it, issuing in streams and fountains; the father of Marduk; worshiped especially in the temple of Eabzu in Eridu, in southern Babylonia, modern Abu Shahr@ 7 Lit., "to make good the flesh of the people." 8 The latc-Sumerian expression for men in general. Hammurabi, the shepherd, called by Enlil, am 1; (50) the one who makes affluence and plenty abound; who provides in abundance all sorts of things for Nippur-Duranki;'   the devout patron of Ekur; (6o) the efficient king, who restored Eridu' to its place;       who purified the cult of Eabzu; the one who strides through the four quarters of the world; who makes the name of Babylon great; who rejoices the heart of Marduk, his lord; the one who throughout his lifetime stands responsible for Esagila; (10) the descendant of royalty, whom Sin" begat; the one who made Ur prosper; the pious, suppliant one, who brought abundance   to Egishnugal; (20) the wise k'uig, obedient to mighty Shamash;" the one who relaid the foundations of Sippar; who decked with green the chapels of Aya; the designer of the temple of Ebabbar, which is like a heavenly dwelling- (30) the warrior, he who spared Larsa ;12   the one who rebuilt Ebabbar for Shamash, his helper; the lord, who revived Uruk;" who supplied water in abundance to its people; (40) who raised aloft the head of Eanna; who made riches abound for Anum and Inanna; the shelter of the land, who collected the scattered people of Isin;" (50) who makes the temple of Egalmah abound with affluence; the monarch of kings, full brother of Zababa;" the refounder of the settlement of Kish,   who has surrounded Emete-ursag with splendor; (6o) the one who has put the great shrines of Inanna in perfect condition;   9Duranki "bond of heaven and earth," was a time-honored Sumerian name of Nippur, the cult-center of Enlil, whose temple was Ekur. 10 The moon-god, the son of Enlil, father of Shamash, and consort of nugal in Ur in southern Ningal; worshiped especially in the temple of Egish   Babylonia, modern Muqayyar. 11 The sun-god and the god of justice, the consort of Aya, worshiped especially in the temple of Ebabbar in Sippar in northern Babylonia, modern Abu Habba. 12 Another cult-center of Shamash, situated in southern Babylonia, modern Senkereh, with a temple also callcd Ebabbar. The city was captured by Hammurabi in the 3oth year of his reign and its powerful dynasty brought to an end with the dethronement of its king, Rim-Sin. This event is set down as the formula for Hammurabi's 3'st year, but the formula for the year always comes from an event in the preceding year; hencc our year-   numbers will be one less than those generally given.   Is An ancient and important city in southern Babylonia, the biblical Erech (Gen. io:io), modem Warka, conquered by Hammurabi in the 6th year of his rcign. It was the cult-center of Anum and Inanna, with its temple Eanna. 14 A city south of Nippur in southern Babylonia, conquered by Rim-Sin of Larsa in his 29th year, and then by Hammurabi in the 6th year of his reign. It was the cult-center of Ninkarrak, with its temple Egalmah. 115 A form of Ninurta, worshiped especially in the temple of Emetc-ursag   in Kish, northeast of Babylon, modcrn Tell cl-Oheimir.   LAWS FROM MESOPOTAMIA AND ASIA MINOR i65 the patron of the temple of Hursag-kalamma;" the terror of the enemy; the one whom Erra," his comrade, caused to attain his desire; (7o)   (iii) who made Kutha preeminent; who expanded every kind of facility for Meslam; the fiery wild-bull who gores the foe; the beloved of Tutu;" the one who brings joy to Borsippa; (Io) the devout one, never neglecting Ezida; god among kings, acquainted with wisdom; the one who extended the cultivated land belonging to Dilbat;" (20) who stores up grain for mighty Urash; the lord, adorned with scepter and crown;   the one whom the sage, Mama,'o brought to perfection;   who laid out the plans for Kesh; (30) who makes sumptuous the splendid banquets for Nintu; the solicitous, the perfect one, who fixes the pastures and watering places for Lagash and Girsu," (40) who provides bountiful sacrifices for Eninnu;   the one who seizes the foe; the favorite of Telitum;" who fulfils the oracles of Hallab;" (50) the one who makes the heart of Ishtar" glad; the illustrious prince, whose prayers" Adad" recognizes; who pacifies the heart of Adad, the warrior, in Bet-karkar; (6o) who always maintains the proprieties in Eugalgal; the king, who granted life to Adab ;21 the director of the temple of Emah; the chief of kings, a fighter without peer; (70) (iv)   .21 the one who granted life to Mashkan-shabrim, who provides abundance for Meslam; the wise one, the administrator; the one who plumbed the depths of wisdom; (10) the rescuer of the people of Malka" from trouble;   16 The temple of Inanna in Kish, where she was the consort of Zababa. 17 The god of pestilence and war, often identified with Nergal. His temple, Mcslam, was in Kutha in northern Babylonia, modern Tell Ibrahim. 18 Strictly a title of Marduk, but here applied to his son Nabum, the god   of writing. His cult-center was Borsippa, near Babylon, with its temple Ezida.   19 A city not far from Borsippa, the cult-center of the god Urash.   20 A goddess worshiped in Kesh, ncar Lagash, in central Baby!onia; also known as Nintu.   21 Lagash, modern Telloh, and Girsu were twin cities in central Babylo@. Ningirsu was the city god and his temple was Eninnu. 22 A title of Inanna.   23 A city in Babylonia as yct unidentified; a cult-center of Ishtar. 24 Ile Semitic name of Inanna.   21 Lit., "the lifting up of whosc hands."   211 The weather-god, whose temple was Eudgalgal in Bet-karkar, a city as yet unidentified.   21 A city on the Euphratcs in central Babylonia, modern Bismaya. Its deity was Mah and her temple was Emah.   28 A city not far from Adab, modern Dshidr. 29 A city apparently on the middle Euphrates, conquered by Hammurabi in the gth year of his reign and punished for a revolt in his 34th ycar. It   was the seat of Enki and his consort Damgalnunna, also known as Damkina, the mother of Marduk.   the founder of dwelling places for them in abundance; the one who rescribed for all time splendid sacrifices for Enki and Damgalnunna, (20) who made his kingdom great; the first of kings;   the subduer of the settlements along the Euphrates with the help of Dagan,'o his creator; the one who spared the people of Mera and   Tutul (30)   the devout prince, who brightens up the face of Tishpak; the provider of splendid banquets for Ninazu;" the savior of his people from distress, who establishes in security their portion in the midst   of Babylon; (40)   the shepherd of the people, whose deeds are pleasing to Ishtar; 1   who installed Ishtar in Eulmash in the midst of Akkad" square; (50)   who makes law prevail; who guides the people aright; who returned to Ashur" its kindly protecting genius; who silences the growlers;   the king, who made the name of Inanna glorious in Nineveh" in Emishmish; (6o)   the devout one, who prays fervently to the great gods; the descendant of Sumu-la-el;" the powerful son and heir" of Sin-muballit, (70)     (v)   the ancient seed of royalty, the powerful king, the sun of Babylon,   who causes light to go forth over the lands of Sumer and Akkad;"   the king who has made the four quarters of the   world subservient; (Io)   the favorite of Inanna am I. When Marduk commissioned me to guide the people aright, to direct the land, I established law and justice in the language of the land, (20) thereby promoting the welfare of the people. At that time (I decreed):   30 The Dagon of the Bible; a west Semitic grain-god, early imported into Mesopotamia and worshiped chiefly along the middle Euphrates. 31 Two cities on the middle Euphrates. Mera may possibly be Mari, modern Tell Hariri, conquered by Hammurabi in his 32nd year. 81 The god of medicine, worshiped particularly at Eshnunna in his tcmple Esikil. Tishpak was the chief god of Eshnunna. 11 An ancient city of northern Babylonia, founded by Sargon the Great as his capital; a seat of Ishtar, with her tcmple Eulmash. 34 The name of Assyria, of its ancient capital, modern Qal'at Shergat, on the upper Tigris, and of its national god. It is manifestly the city that is intended here. 31 The later capital of Assyria on the upper Tigris, modern Kouyunjik, an important seat of Inanna, with her temple Emishmish. 36 The second king of the Old Babylonian Dynasty. 31 "SOn and heir," a single word in Babylonian. 38 Sumer was the ancient name of southern Babylonia and Akkad of   northern Babylonia, the two together constituting a common name of the country as a whole.   i66 LAWS FROM MESOPOTAMIA AND ASIA MINOR The Laws   I: If a seignior" accused a(nother) seignior and brought a charge of murder against him, but has not proved it, his accuser shall be put to death." 2: If a seignior brought a charge of sorcery against a(nother) seignior, but has not proved it, the one against whom the charge of sorcery was brought, upon going to the river,"' shall throw himself into the river, and if the river has then overpowered him, his accuser shall take over his estate; if the river has shown that seignior to be innocent and he has accordingly come forth safe, the one who brought the charge of sorcery against him shall be put to death, while the one who threw himself into the river shall take over the estate of his accuser.   3: If a seignior came forward with false testimony in a case, and has not proved the word which he spoke, if that case was a case involving life, that seignior shall be put to death.   4: If he came forward with (false) testimony concerning grain or money, he shall bear the penalty of that case.   5: If a judge gave a judgment, rendered a decision, deposited a sealed document, but later has altered his judgment, they shall prove that that judge altered the judgment which he gave and he shall pay twelvefold the claim which holds in that case; furthermore, they shall expel him in the assembly from his seat of judgment and he shall never again sit" with the judges in a case.   6: If a seignior stole the property of church or state," that seignior shall be put to death; also the one who received the stolen goods from his hand shall be put to death.   7: If a seignior has purchased or he received for safekeeping either silver or gold or a male slave or a female slave or an ox or a sheep or an ass or any sort of thing from the hand of a seignior's son or a seignior's slave without witnesses and contracts, since that seignior is a thief, he shall be put to death.   8: If a seignior stole either an ox or a sheep or an ass or a pig or a boat, if it belonged to the church (or) if it belonged to the state, he shall make thirtyfold restitu-   89 The word awflum, used here, is literally "man," but in the legal literature it seems to bc used in at least three senses: (i) sometimes to indicate a man of the higher class, a noble; (2) sometimes a free man of any class, high or low; and (3) occasionally a man of any class, from king to slave (see, e.g. CH, rcvcrse xxvi, 39-44). For the last I use the inclusive word "man," but for the first two, since it is seldom clear which of the two is intended in a given context, I follow the ambiguity of the original and use the rather general term "scignior," which I employ as the term is employed in Italian and Spanish, to indicate any free man of standing, and not in the strict feudal sense, although the ancient Ncar East did have something 2pproximating the feudal system, and that is another reason for using "scignior." 40 With this law and the three following cf. Deut. 5:20; i 9: i 6 ff.; Exod. 23: '-3. 41 The word for "rivee' throughout this section has the determinative of   deity, indicating that the river (the Euphratcs) as judge in the case was regarded as god.   42 Ut., "he shall not return and sit."   43 Lit., "the property of god or palace."   tion; if it belonged to a private citizen," he shall make good tenfold. If the thief does not have sufficient to make restitution, he shall be put to death." 9: When a seignior, (some of) whose property was lost, has found his lost property in the possession of a(nother) seignior, if the seignior in whose possession the lost (property) was found has declared, "A seller sold (it) to me; I made the purchase in the presence of witnesses," and the owner of the lost (property) in turn has declared, "I will produce witnesses attesting to my lost (property)"; the purchaser having then pro. duced the seller who made the sale to him and the witnesses in whose presence he made the urchase, and p the owner of the lost (property) having also produced the witnesses attesting to his lost (property), the judges shall consider their evidence, and the witnesses in whose presence the purchase was made, along with the witnesses attesting to the lost (property), shall declare what they know in the presence of god, and since the seller was the thief, he shall be put to death, while the owner of the lost (property) shall take his lost (property), with the purchaser obtaining from the estate of the seller the money that he paid out."   io: If the (professed) purchaser has not produced the seller who made the sale to him and the witnesses in whose presence he made the purchase, but the owner of the lost property has produced witnesses attesting to his lost property, since the (professed) purchaser was the thief, he shall be put to death, while the owner of the lost property shall take his lost property. II: If the (professed) owner of the lost property has not produced witnesses attesting to his lost property, since he was a cheat and started a false report, he shall be put to death.   i:z: If the seller has gone to (his) fate, the purchaser shall take from the estate of the seller fivefold the claim for that case.   I3: If the witnesses of that seignior were not at hand, the judges shall set a time-limit of six months for him, and if he did not produce his witnesses within six months, since that seignior was a cheat, he shall bear the penalty of that case.   14: If a seignior has stolen the young son of a (nother) seignior, he shall be put to death."   I5: If a seignior has helped either a male slave of the state or a female slave of the state or a male slave of a   44 The word is mulkfnum, which in the Code ordinarily indicates a man of the middle class, a commoner, but here and in S15, i6, 175, and 76 it manifestly refers to a private citizen as distinct from the church and state.   41 The laws on thcft in the Code (SS6-I3, 22, 23, 25, 259, 26o, 265) do not agree among themselves, indicating that we have laws of different dates in the Code. According to the earliest laws (S@7, 9, 10, 22, 25) theft was to be punished by death; later (S6) the dcath penalty was confined to the theft of church or state property; later still severalfold restitution (SS8, 265) or a fine (S259, 26o) came to be substituted for the death penalty; see T. J. Meek, Hebrew @ns (1936), pp. 6i f. For the Hebrew laws on theft see Exod. 20:I5 (=Deut. 5:19); 22:I-4; Lev. 19:11, 13.   "Ilt., "he weighcd out." In the time of Hammurabi coinage had of course not yet been invented and the money (usually silver, as here) w2s weighed out in bars.   47 cf. Exod. 2I:i6; Deut. 24:7-   LAWS FROM MESOPOTAMIA AND ASIA MINOR z67   private citizen or a female slave of a private citizen to escape through the city-gate, he shall be put to death. i@.-. If a seignior has harbored in his house either a fugitive male or female slave belonging to the state or to a private citizen and has not brought him forth at the summons of the police, that householder shall be put to death. 17: If a seignior caught a fugitive male or female slave in the open and has taken him to his owner, the owner of the slave shall pay him two shekels" of silver. i8: If that slave has not named his owner, he shall take him to the palace in order that his record may be investigated, and they shall return him to his owner. ig: If he has kept that slave in his house (and) later the slave has been found in his possession, that seignior shall be put to death. 20: If the slave has esca ' ped from the hand of his captor, that seignior shall (so) affirm by god to the owner of the slave and he shall then go free. 21: If a seignior made a breach in a house, they shall put him to death in front of that breach and wall him in. 49   22: If a seignior committed robbery and has been caught, that seignior shall be put to death. 23: If the robber has not been caught, the robbed seignior shall set forth the particulars regarding his lost property in the presence of god, and the city and governor, in whose territory and district the robbery was   I committed, shall make good to him his lost property. 24: If it was a life (that was lost), the city and gov- ernor shall pay one mina'o of silver to his people." 25: If fire broke out in a seignior's house and a seignior, who went to "tinguish (it), cast his eye on the goods of the owner of the house and has appropriated the goods of the owner of the house, that seignior shall be thrown into that fire. 26: If either a rivate soldier or a commissary," whose despatch on a campaign of the king was ordered, did not go or he hired a substitute" and has sent (him) in his place, that soldier or commissary shall be put to death, while the one who was hired by him shall take over his estate. 27: In the case of either a private soldier or a commissary who was carried off while in the armed service of the king, if after his (disappearance) they gave his field and orchard to another and he has looked after his feudal obligations-if he has returned and reached his city, they shall restore his field and orchard to him and he shall himself look after his feudal obligations. 28: In the case of either a private soldier or a commissary, who was carried off while in the armed service   48 A weight of about 8 gr. 49 cf. Exod. 22:2, 3a. 50 A weight of about soo gr., divided into 6o shekels. 51 With S S 23 2nd 24 cf. Deut. 2 I: I ff. 52 The exact me2ning of the two military terms used hcre, rFda7m and bdlirum, is uncertain. 'ne former means literally "follower" and is regularly used for the ordinary foot-soldier; the latter means literally "fisher, hunter," hencc "commissary" here. 53 Lit., "hircling." Of the king, if his son is able to look after the feudal obligations, the field and orchard shall be given to him and he shall look after the feudal obligations of his father. 29: If his son is so young that he is not able to look after the feudal obligations of his father, one-third of the field and orchard shall be given to his mother in order that his mother may rear him. 30: If either a private soldier or a commissary gave up his field, orchard and house on account of the feudal obligations and has then absented himself, (and) after his (departure) another took over his field, orchard and house and has looked after the feudal obligations for three years-if he has returned and demands his field, orchard and house, they shall not be given to him; the one who has taken over and looked after his feudal obligations shall himself become the feudatory. 31: If he has absented himself for only one year and has returned, his field, orchard and house shall be given back to him and he shall look after his feudal obligations himself. 32: If a merchant has ransomed either a private soldier or a commissary, who was carried off in a campaign of the king, and has enabled him to reach his city, if there is sufficient to ransom (him) in his house, he himself shall ransom himself; if there is not sufficient to ransom him in his house, he shall be ransomed from the estate of his city-god; if there is not sufficient to ransom him in the estate of his city-god, the state shall ransom him, since his own field, orchard and house may not be ceded for his ransom. 33: If either a sergeant or a captain" has obtained a soldier by conscription or he accepted and has sent a hired substitute for a campaign of the king, that sergeant or captain shall be put to death. 34: If either a sergeant or a captain has appropriated   the household oods of a soldier, has wronged a soldier, 9   has let a soldier for hire, has abandoned a soldier to a superior in a lawsuit, has appropriated the grant which the king gave to a soldier, that sergeant or captain shall be put to death. 35: If a seignior has bought from the hand of a soldier the cattle or sheep which the king gave to the soldier, he shall forfeit his money." 36: In no case is the field, orchard, or house belonging to a soldier, a commissary, or a feudatory" salable." 37: If a seignior has purchased the field, orchard, or house belonging to a soldier, a commissary, or a feuda- tory, his contract-tablet shall be broken and he shall also forfeit his money, with the field, orchard, or house reverting to its owner. 38: In no case may a soldier, a commissary, or a feudatory deed any of his field, orchard, or house belonging   54 The exact meaning of these two mh'tary tcrms, dikfim and lapurt4m, is not known; they rcfer to officcrs of some sort. 55 Lit., "he shall go up from his silver," with the separative use of the t-form of the verb. 56 Lit., "bearer of dues." 57 Lit., "does not scll for silver"; the active inadain would seem to be a scribal error for the passive innaddin, "to be sold."   i68 LAWS FROM MESOPOTAMIA AND ASIA MINOR   to his fief to his wife or daughter, and in no case may he assign (them) for an obligation of his. 39: He may deed to his wife or daughter any of the field, orchard, or house which he purchases and accordingly owns," and he may assign (them) for an obligation of his. 40: A hierodule," a merchant, and a feudatory extraordinary may sell his field, orchard and house, with the purchaser assuming the feudal obligations of the field, orchard and house which he purchases. 41: If a seignior acquired by barter the field, orchard, or house belonging to a soldier, a commissary, or a feudatory, and also made an additional payment, the soldier, commissary, or feudatory shall repossess his field, orchard, or house, and he shall also keep the additional payment that was made to him. 42: If a seignior rented a field for cultivation, but has not produced grain in the field, they shall prove that he did no work on the field and he shall give grain to the owner of the field on the basis of those adjoining it. 43: If he did not cultivate the field, but has neglected (it), he shall give grain to the owner of the field on the basis of those adjoining it; furthermore, the field which he neglected he shall break up with mattocks, harrow and return to the owner of the field. 44: If a seignior rented a fallow field for three years for development, but became so lazy that he has not developed the field, in the fourth year he shall break up the field with mattocks, plow and harrow (it), and he shall return (it) to the owner of the field; furthermore, he shall measure out ten kur" of grain per eighteen iku." 45: If a seignior let his field to a tenant" and has already received the rent of his field, (and) later Adad has inundated the field or a flood has ravaged (it), the loss shall be the tenant's. 46: If he has not received the rent of the field, whether he let the field for one-half or one-third (the crop), the tenant and the owner of the field shall divide proportionately the grain which is produced in the field. 47: If the tenant has asked (an'other) to cultivate the field because he did not get back his investment in the previous year, the owner of the field shall not object; his (new) tenant" shall cultivate" his field and at harvest-time he shall take grain in accordance with his contracts. 48: If a debt is outstanding against a seignior and Adad has inundated his field or a flood has ravaged (it) or through lack of water grain has not been produced in the field, he shall not make any return of   58 i.e. in fcc simple and not as a fief. 59 The exact meaning of the term used here, naditum, is unknown, but it indicates some kind of religious functionary. 60 A meas re equal to a little morc than 7 bushels, dividcd into 3oo qu. 61 A land measure equal to about Ys of an acre. 6 2 Lit., "gave his field for rent to a cultivator."   113 The word has the emphatic ma-ending to indicate that the reference is not to the first tenant but the second, the sub-tenant. 64 The original here, i-ni-ri-ii-ma, is clearly a scribal error for i-ir-ri-il-ma and not the IV i form, which would of course be in-ne-ri-il-ma. grain to his creditor 15 in that year; he shall cancel" his contract-tablet and he shall pay no interest for that year. 49: When a seignior borrowed money from a merchant and pledged to the merchant a field prepared for grain or sesame, if he said to him, "Cultivate the field, then harvest (and) take the grain or sesame that is produced," if the tenant has produced grain or sesame in the field, the owner of the field at harvest-time shall himself take the grain or sesame that was produced in the field and he shall give to the merchant grain for his money, which he borrowed from the merchant, together with its interest, and also for the cost of cultivation. 5o: If he pledged a field planted with (grain) or a field planted with sesame, the owner of the field shall himself take the grain or sesame that was produced in the field and he shall pay back the money with its interest to the merchant. 5i: If he does not have the money to pay back, (grain or) sesame at their market value in accordance with the ratio fixed by the king" he shall give to the merchant for his money, which he borrowed from the merchant, together with its interest. 52: If the tenant has not produced grain or sesame in the field, he may not change his contract. 53: If a seignior was too lazy to make [the dike of] his field strong and did not make his dike strong and a break has opened up in his dike and he has accordingly let the water ravage the farmland, the seignior in whose dike the break was opened shall make good the grain that he let get destroyed. 54: If he is not able to make good the grain, they shall sell him and his goods, and the farmers whose grain the water carried off shall divide (the proceeds). 55: If a seignior, upon opening his canal for irrigation, became so lazy that he has let the water ravage a field adjoining his, he shall measure out grain on the basis of those adjoining his. 56: If a seignior opened up the water and then has let the water carry off the work done on a field adjoining his, he shall measure out ten kur of grain per eighteen iku. 57: If a shepherd has not come to an agreement with the owner of a field to pasture sheep on the grass, but has pastured sheep on the field without the consent of the owner of the field, when the owner of the field harvests his field, the shepherd who pastured the sheep on the field without the consent of the owner of the field shall give in addition twenty kur of grain per eighteen iku to the owner of the field. 58: If after the sheep have gone up from the meadow, when the whole flock" has been shut up within the city-   65 Rcading be-el hu-bu-ul-ii-lu, lit., "thc owner of his debt." 66 Lit., "he shall wash off." 61 In ancient Mesopotamia the ratio between silver (the money of the time) and various commodities was fixed by the state, showing that price control is not such a modern institution after all. 68 Lit., "the flock of the totality." The word kanni4' is plural construct here and manifestly means "flock." LAWS FROM MESOPOTAMIA AND ASIA MINOR i6g   gate," the shepherd drove the sheep into a field and has then pastured the sheep on the field, the shepherd shall look after the field on which he pastured and at harvesttime he shall measure out sixty kur of grain per eighteen I . ku to the owner of the field.   59: If a seignior cut down a tree in a(nother) seignior's orchard without the consent of the owner of the orchard, he shall pay one-half mina of silver. 6o: If, when a seignior gave a field to a gardener to set out an orchard, the gardener set out the orchard, he shall develop the orchard for four years; in the fifth year the owner of the orchard and the gardener shall divide equally, with the owner of the orchard receiving his preferential share." 6i: If the gardener did not set out the whole field," but left a portion bare, they shall assign the bare portion to him as his share. 62: If he did not set out the field that was given to him as an orchard, if it was a cultivated field, the gardener shall pay" to the owner of the field rent for the field for the years that it was neglected on the basis of those adjoining it; also he shall do the (necessary) work on the field and return (it) to the owner of the field. 63: If it was fallow land, he shall do the (necessary) work on the field and return (it) to the owner of the field; also he shall measure out ten kur of grain per eighteen iku for each year. 64: If a seignior gave his orchard to a gardener to pollinate," the gardener shall give to the owner of the orchard two-thirds of the produce of the orchard as rent of the orchard as long as the orchard is held, with himself taking one-third. 65: If the gardener did not pollinate the orchard and so has let the yield decline, the gardener [shall measure out] rent for the orchard on the basis of those adjoining it.   66: When a seignior borrowed money from a merchant and his merchant foreclosed on him and he has nothing to pay (it) back, if he gave his orchard after pollination to the merchant and said to him, "Take for your money as many dates as there are produced in the orchard," that merchant shall not be allowed; the owner of the orchard shall himself take the dates that were produced in the orchard and repay the merchant for the money and its interest in accordance with the wording of his tablet and the owner of the orchard shall in turn take the remaining dates that were produced in the orchard.   67: If a seignior built a house, his neighbor.... 68: f.: (not preserved) 70: ... he shall give to him.   69 The reference to the city-gate evidently reflects the Near Eastern custom in both ancient 2nd modern times of bringing the shecp into the Shelter of the town or village at night.   70 A circumst2ntial clause, grammatically co-ordinate but logically subordinate, reading literally "the owncr of the orchard shall cimse and take his share." With this law cf. Lev. rg:23-25.   71 Lit., "did not complete the ficld in setting (it) out."   72 Lit., "MC2sure out," indicating that the rent was to be paid in grain. 73 The orchard was a date orchard (see 66) and hcnce had to bc artificially fertilized.   7i: If he is giving grain, money, or goods for a fief estate belonging to an estate adjoining his, which he wishes to purchase, he shall forfeit whatever he paid, while the estate shall revert to its [owner]. If that estate does not carry feudal obligations, he may purchase (it), since he may give grain, money, or goods for such an estate.   72-77: (Only a few words preserved, having to do with house building.) 78: [If a seignior let a house to a(nother) seignior and] the seignior (who was) the tenant paid his rental money in full for the year to the owner of [the housel and the owner of the house has then said to the [tenant] while his term" was (still) incomplete, "Move out," the owner of the house [shall forfeit] the money which the tenant paid to him [because] he made the tenant [move out] of his house while his term was (still) incomplete.   79-87: (not preserved) 88: If a merchant [lent] grain" at interest, he shall receive sixty qu of grain per kur as interest." If he lent money at interest, he shall receive one-sixth (shekel) six le (i.e. one-fifth shekel) per shekel of silver as interest."   89: If a seignior, who [incurred] a debt, does not have the money to pay (it) back, but has the grain, [the merchant] shall take grain for his money [with its interest] in accordance with the ratio fixed by the king. go: If the merchant increased the interest beyond [sixty qu] per kur [of grain] (or) one-sixth (shekel) six le [per shekel of money] and has collected (it), he shall forfeit whatever he lent. gi: If a merchant [lent] grain at interest and has collected money [for the full interest] on the grain, the grain along with the money may not [be charged to the "Count]- 92: (not preserved) 93: [If the merchant] ... or he has not had the full amount of grain [which he received] deducted and did not write a new contract, or he has added the interest to the principal, that merchant shall pay back double the full amount of grain that he received. 94: If a merchant lent grain or money at interest and when he lent (it) at interest he paid out the money by the small weight and the grain by the small measure, but when he got (it) back he got the money by the [large] weight (and) the grain by the large measure, [that merchant shall forfeit] whatever he lent. 95: If a [merchant lent grain or money I at interest and gave .... he shall forfeit whatever he lent. 96: If a seignior borrowed grain or money from a merchant and does not have the grain or money to pay (it) back, but has (other) goods, he shall give to his merchant whatever there is in his possession, (affirming)   74 Lit., "his days."   75 'Mrough a scribal error the origin2l has "silver."   76 Since there were 3oo qu in a kur, the interest rate WaS 20%.   77 Since therc were z8o le in a shekel, the interest ratc was again 20%.   170 LAWS FROM MESOPOTAMIA AND ASIA MINOR   before witnesses that he will bring (it), while the merchant shall accept (it) without making any objections. 97: - .. , he shall be put to death. 98: If a seignior gave money to a(nother) seignior for a partnership, they shall divide equally in the presence of god the profit or loss which was incurred. 99: If a merchant lent money at interest to a trader" for the purpose of trading [and making purchases] and sent him out on the road , the trader shall . . . on the road [the money which was entrusted] to him. ioo: If he has realized a profit where he went, he shall write down the interest on the full amount of money that he borrowed and they shall count up the days against him and he shall repay his merchant. ioi: If he has not realized a profit where he went, the trader shall repay to the merchant double" the money that he borrowed. 102: If a merchant has lent money to a trader as a favor" and he has experienced a loss where he went, he shall pay back the principal of the money to the merchant. I03: If, when he went on the road, an enemy has made him give up whatever he was carrying, the trader shall (so) affirm by god and then he shall go free. I04: If a merchant lent grain, wool, oil, or any goods at all to a trader to retail, the trader shall write down the value and pay (it) back to the merchant, with the trader obtaining a sealed receipt for the money which he pays to the merchant. io5: If the trader has been careless and so has not obtained a sealed receipt for the money which he paid to the merchant, the money with no sealed receipt may not be credited to the account. io6: If a trader borrowed money from a merchant and has then disputed (the fact) with his merchant, that merchant in the presence of god and witnesses shall prove that the trader borrowed the money and the trader shall pay to the merchant threefold the full amount of money that he borrowed. I07: When a merchant entrusted (something) to a trader and the trader has returned to his merchant whatever the merchant gave him, if the merchant has then disputed with him whatever the trader gave him, that trader shall prove it against the merchant in the presence of god and witnesses and the merchant shall pay to the trader sixfold whatever he received because he had a dispute with his trader. io8: If a woman wine seller, instead of receiving grain for the price of a drink, has received money by the large   - weight and so has made the value of the drink less   than the value of the grain, they shall prove it against that wine seller" and throw her into the water. iog: If outlaws have congregated in the establishment of a woman wine seller and she has not arrested those   78 i.e. a traveling salesman peddling his wares wherever he could find a buyer. 79 Lit., 'hall double and give to the merchant." i.e. without interest. :0@ A vari2nt, UM v, No. 93, COI- iv, lincs 37-8, reads, "they shall bind that wine seller." outlaws and did not take them to the palace, that wine seller shall be put to death. iio: If a hierodule, a nun," who is not living in a convent, has opened (the door of) a wineshop or has entered a wineshop for a drink, they shall burn that woman. III: If a woman wine seller Lave one (,flask) of pihum-drink" on credit,14 she shall receive fifty qu" of grain at harvest-time. II2: When a seignior was engaged in a (trading) journey and gave silver, gold, (precious) stones, or (other) goods in his possession" to a(nother) seignior and consigned (them) to him for transport, if that seignior did not deliver whatever was to be transported where it was to be transported, but has appropriated (it), the owner of the goods to be transported shall prove the charge against" that seignior in the matter of whatever was to be transported, but which he did not deliver, and that seignior shall pay to the owner of the goods to be transported fivefold whatever was given to him. II3: If a seignior held (a debt of) grain or money against a(nother) seignior and he has then taken grain from the granary or threshing floor without the consent of the owner of the grain, they shall prove that that seignior took grain from the granary or threshing floor without the consent of the owner of the grain and he shall return the full amount of grain that he took and he shall also forfeit everything else that he lent. II4: If a seignior did not hold (a debt of) grain or money against a(nother) seignior, but has distrained (someone as) his pledge, he shall pay one-third mina of silver for each distraint. II5: If a seignior held (a debt rf) grain or money against a(nother) seignior and distrained (someone as) his pledge and the pledge has then died a natural death" in @he house of his distrainer, that case is not subject to claim. ii6: If the pledge has died from beating or abuse in the house of his distrainer, the owner of the pledge shall prove it against his merchant, and if it was the seignior's son, they shall put his son to death; if it was the seignior's slave, he shall pay one-third mina of silver and also forfeit everything else that he lent. II7: If an obligation came due against a seignior" and he sold (the services of) his wife, his son, or his daughter, or he has been bound over" to service, they shall work (in) the house of their purchaser or obligee for   82 This word may be in apposition to the preceding or the particle "or" may be understood before it. The cxact mcaning of the word, entum, is not known, but the ideogram mcans literally "lady of a god," hcnce my translation "nun."   83 The cxact meaning of pibum is riot known.   84 The original has di-s'p-ti'm, but this is a scribal crror for qi-ip-tim. 85 A measure equal to a little more than % of a quart, dry measure.   Lit., "goods of his hand." The vcrb is impersonal plural, a scribal error for the singular. 88 Lit., "in accordance with his fate." 89 Lit., "If widi rcspect to a seignior (emphatic "cusative of ;pacification) an obligation has seized him." 90 The verb used here, ittandin, iS TV 2 preterit with passive force, and not 1 2 presents as regularly interpreted. For a discussion of this Section and   the following two see T. J. Meek, INES, vii (1948), 180-3.   LAWS FROM MESOPOTAMIA AND ASIA MINOR 17I   three years, with their freedom reestablished in the fourth year." ii8: When a male slave or a female slave, bound over to service, X the merchan @may sell (him), with no possibility of his being reclaimed. i[ig: If an obligation came due against a seignior and he has accordingly sold (the services of) his female slave who bore him children, the owner of the female slave may repay the money which the merchant paid out and thus redeem his female slave. 120: If a seignior deposited his grain in a(nother) seignior's house for storage and a loss has then occurred at the granary or the owner of the house opened the storage-room and took grain or he has denied completely" (the receipt of) the grain which was stored in his house, the owner of the grain shall set forth the particulars regarding his grain in the presence of god and the owner of the house shall give to the owner of the grain double the grain that he took." i2i: If a seignior stored grain in a(nother) seignior's house, he shall pay five qu of grain per kur of grain" as the storage-charge per year. 122: If a seignior wishes to give silver, gold, or any sort of thing to a(nother) seignior for safekeeping, he shall show to witnesses the full amount that he wishes to give, arrange the contracts, and then commit (it) to safekeeping. i23: If he gave (it) for safekeeping without witnesses and contracts and they have denied (its receipt) to him at the place where he made the deposit, that case is not subject to claim. i24: If a seignior gave silver, gold, or any sort of thing ior safekeeping to a(nother) seignior in the presence of witnesses and he has denied (the fact) to him, they shall prove it against that seignior and he shall pay double whatever he denied. 125: If a seignior deposited property of his for safekeeping and at the place where he made the deposit his property has disappeared along with the property of the owner of the house, either through breaking in or through scaling (the wall), the owner of the house, who was so careless that he let whatever was given to him for safekeeping get lost, shall make (it) good and make restitution to the owner of the goods, while the owner of the house shall make a thorough search for his lost property and take (it) from its thief. i26: If the seignior's property was nollost, but he has declared, "My property is lost," @ceceiving his city council," his city council shall set forth the facts regarding him in the presence of god, that his property   cf. Exod. 2I:2-1 i; Deut i5:x2-i8.   2 Lit., "he caused (the time-limit) to expire." :s Lit., "denied unto completeness."   4 cf. Exod. 22:7-9. 95 i.e. 1 2/3% since therc were 3oo qu in a kur. 96 This would seem to be the best translation of bdbium, a feminine form2tion from bdbum "gate." Its use here is identical with that of la'ar "gate." in Ruth 3:11; 4:10-   was not lost, and he shall give to his city council double whatever he laid claim to. I27: If a seignior pointed the finger at a nun or the ife of a(nother) seignior, but has proved nothing, they shall d!-ag that seignior into the presence of the judges and also cut off half his (hair). I28: If a seignior acquired a wife, but did not draw up the contracts for her, that woman is no wife. i2q: If the wife of a seignior has been caught while lying with another man, they shall bind them and throw them into the water. If the husband" of the woman wishes to spare his wife, then the king in turn may spare his subject." I30: If a seignior bound the (betrothed) wife of a(nother) seignior, who had had no intercourse with" a male and was still living in her father's house, and he has lain in her bosom and they have caught him, that seignior shall be put to death, while that woman shall go free.100   I3I: If a seignior's wife was accused by her husband,"' but she was not caught while lying with another man, she shall make affirmation by god and return to her house. I32: If the finger was pointed at the wife of a seignior because of another man, but she has not been caught while lying with the other man, she shall throw herself into the river'o' for the sake of her husbandman 133: If a seignior was taken captive, but there was sufficient to live on in his house, his wife [shall not leave her house, but she shall take care of her person by not] entering [the house of another]."' 133a: If that woman did not take care of her person, but has entered the house of another, they shall prove it against that woman and throw her into the water."' i34: If the seignior was taken captive and there was not sufficient to live on in his house, his wife may enter the house of another, with that woman incurring no blame at all. I35: If, when a seignior was taken captive and there was not sufficient to live on in his house, his wife has then entered the house of another before his (return) and has borne children, (and) later her husband has returned and has reached his city, that woman shall return to her first husband, while the children shall go with their father.   I36: If, when a seignior deserted his city and then ran away, his wife has entered the house of another after his (departure), if that seignior has returned and wishes to take back his wife, the wife of the fugitive shall not return to her husband because he scorned his city and ran away.   91 Lit., "owner, master.,, 98 Lit., "his slave." With this 12W cf. Deut. 22:22. 99 Lit., "had not known." 100 cf. DeUt. 22:23-27.   101 Lit., "If with respcct to a seignior's wife (casus pendens) her husband accused her."   102 i.e. submit to the water ordeal, with the river as divine judge; cE 2 abOVe 2nd notc 4I- 103 cf. Num. 5:I 1-31.   104 i.e. in order to live there as another M2n's wife. 105 i.e. to be drowned.   172 LAWS FROM MESOPOTAMIA AND ASIA MINOR   I37: If a seignior has made up his mind... to divorce a lay priestess,"' who bore him children, or a hierodule who provided him with children, they shall return her dowry to that woman and also give her half of the field, orchard and goods in order that she may rear her children; after she has brought up her children, from whatever was given to her children they shall give her a portion corresponding to (that of) an individual heir in order that the man of her choice... may marry her. I38: If a seignior wishes to divorce his wife who did not bear him children, he shall give her money to the full amount of her marriage-price and he shall also make good to her the dowry which she brought from her father's house and then he may divorce her. 139: If there was no marriage-price, he shall give her one mina of silver as the divorce-settlement. I40: If he is a peasants' he shall give her one-third mina of silver. 141: If a seignior's wife, who was living in the house of the seignior, has made up her mind to leave in order that she may engage in business, thus neglecting her house (and) humiliating her husband, they shall prove it against her; and if her husband has then decided on her divorce, he may divorce her, with nothing to be given her as her divorce-settlement upon her departure."O If her husband has not decided on her divorce, her husband may marry another woman, With the former woman... living in the house of her husband like a maidservant. 142: If a woman so hated her husband that she has declared, "You may not have me," her record shall be investigated at her city council, and if she was careful and was not at fault, even though her husband has been going out and disparaging her greatly, that woman, without incurring any blame at all, may take her dowry and go off to her father's house. 143: If she was not careful, but was a gadabout, thus neglecting her house (and) humiliating her husband, they shall throw that woman into the water. 144: When a seignior married a hierodule and that hicrodule gave a female slave to her husband and she has then produced children, if that seignior has made up his mind to marry a lay priestess, they may not allow that seignior, since he may not marry the lay priestess. 145: If a seignior married a hierodule and she did not provide him with children and he has made up his mind to marry a lay priestess, that seignior may marry the lay priestess, thus bringing her into his house, (but) with that lay priestess ranking in no way with the hierodule.   1011 Lit. "has set his facc."   10" The exact meaning of the word used herc, IU.GE,-tUM, is unknown, but it indicates some kind of priestess.   108 Lit., "the man of her heart," mutu libbila, where the suffix -la may bc interpreted as objective, "the man who chooses her," but is probably bettcr interpreted in the usual manner as subjective, "the man of hcr choicc." 109'ne word is mulkinum; see note 44 abovc.   "O Lit., "her journey," a noun in the adverbial accusative Of M2nner. II' Lit., "that woman."   I46: When a seignior married a hierodule and she gave a female slave to her husband and she has then borne children, if later that female slave has claimed equality with her mistress because she bore children, her mistress may not sell her; she may mark her with the slave-mark and count her among the slaves. 147:.If she did not bear children, her mistress may sell her. I48: When a seignior married a woman and a fever... has then seized her, if he has made up his mind to marry another, he may marry (her), without divorcing his wife whom the fever seized; she shall live in the house which he built and he shall continue to support her as long as she lives. 149: If that woman has refused to live in her husband's house, he shall make good her dowry to her which she brought from her father's house and then she may leave. I50: If a seignior, upon presenting a field, orchard, house, or goods to his wife, left a sealed document with her, her children may not enter a claim against her after (the death of) her husband, since the mother may give her inheritance to that son of hers whom she likes, (but) she may not give (it) to an outsider. I5I: If a woman, who was living in a seignior's house, having made a contract with her husband that a credi- tor... of her husband may not distrain her, has then had (him) deliver a written statement;... if there was a debt against that seignior before he married that woman, his creditors may not distrain his wife; also, if there was a debt against that woman before she entered the seignior's house, her creditors may not distrain her husband. 152: If a debt has developed against them after that woman entered the seignior's house, both of them shall be answerable to the merchant."' 153: If a seignior's wife has brought about the death of her husband because of another man, they shall impale that woman on stakes. i54: If a seignior has had intercourse with his daughter, they shall make that seignior leave the city. I55: If a seignior chose a bride for his son and his son had intercourse with her, but later he himself has lain in her bosom and they have caught him, they shall bind that seignior and throw him... into the water. 156: If a seignior chose a bride for his son and his son did not have intercourse with her, but he himself has lain in her bosom, he shall pay to her one-half mina of silver and he shall also make good to her whatever she brought from her father's house in order that the man of her choice may marry her. 157: If a seignior has lain in the bosom of his mother after (the death of) his father, they shall burn both of them. 158: If a seignior after (the death of) his father has   112 The exact meaning of the word used,herc, la'bum, is not known. 'Is Lit., "the owner of a debt," hcre to be construed as singular, but elsewhere in this paragraph as plural because of the plural verbs to which they belong. IL14 Lit. "a tablet." 115 i.e. the moneylender who made the loan. 116 Through a scribal ermr the original has "hcr."   LAWS FROM MESOPOTAMIA AND ASIA MINOR 173   been caught in the bosom of his foster mother... who was the bearer of children, that seignior shall be cut off from the parental home."' i5q: If a seignior, who had the betrothal-gift brought to the house of his (prospective) father-in-law (and) paid the marriage-price, has then fallen in love with... another woman and has said to his (prospective) fatherin-law, "I will not marry your daughter," the father of the daughter shall keep whatever was brought to him. i6o: If a seignior had the betrothal-gift brought to the house of the (prospective) father-in-law (and) paid the marriage-price, and the father of the daughter has then said, "I will not give my daughter to you," he shall pay back double the full amount that was brought to him. i6i: If a seignior had the betrothal-gift brought to the house of his (prospective) father-in-law (and) paid the marriage-price, and then a friend of his has so maligned him that his (prospective) father-in-law has said to the (prospective) husband,"' "You may not marry my daughter," he shall pay back double the full amount that was brought to him, but his friend may not marry his (intended) wife. i62: If, when a seignior acquired a wife, she bore him children and that woman has then gone to (her) fate, her father may not lay claim to her dowry, since her dowry belongs to her children. i63: If a seignior acquired a wife and that woman has gone to (her) fate without providing him with children. if his father-in-law has then returned to him the marriage-price which that seignior brought to the house of his father-in-law, her husband may not lay claim to the dowry of that woman, since her dowry belongs to her father's house. i64: If his father-in-law has not returned the marriageprice to him, he shall deduct the full amount of her marriage-price from her dowry and return (the rest of) her dowry to her father's house. i65: If a seignior, upon presenting a field, orchard, or house to his first-born, who is the favorite in his eye, wrote a sealed document for him, when the brothers divide after the father has gone to (his) fate, he shall keep the present which the father gave him, but otherwise they shall share equally in the goods of the paternal estate. i66: If a seignior, upon acquiring wives for the sons that he got, did not acquire a wife for his youngest son, when the brothers divide after the father has gone to (his) fate, to their youngest brother who did not acquire a wife, to him in addition to his share they shall assign money (enough )for the marriage-prke from the goods of the paternal estate and thus enable him to acquire a wife. i67: If, when a seignior acquired a wife and she bore   117 'ne tcxt has ra-bi-ii-lu, but this must be a scribal error for mu-rabi-ii-I . 118 Lit. "the housc of the father." With the laws in SS 154-158 cf. Lev.   18 :6-i8; 20:10-2I; Deut. 27:20, 22 f. 119 Lit. "has then stared at, has made eyes at." 120 lit. "owner of a wife." him children, that woman has gone to (her) fate (and) after her (death) he has then married another woman and she has borne children when later the father has gone to (his) fate, the children shall not divide according to mothers; they shall take the dowries of their (respective) mothers and then divide equally the goods of the paternal estate. i68: If a seignior, having made up his mind to disinherit his son, has said to the judges, "I wish to disinherit my son," the judges shall investigate his record, and if the son did not incur wrong grave (enough) to be disinherited, the father may not disinherit his son. i6q: If he has incurred wrong against his father grave (enough) to be disinherited, they shall let him off the first time; if he has incurred grave wrong a second time, the father may disinherit his son.   i7o: When a seignior's first wife bore him children and his female slave also bore him children, if the father during his lifetime has ever said "My children!" to the children whom the slave bore him.
The spiritual sphere in Songdang, Park Yeong`s poetry
The spiritual sphere in Songdang, Park Yeong`s poetry Korean Literature This thesis is an inquiry about the life of him and the spiritual sphere in his poetry, who is a warrior and scholar in the middle years of Chosun. He is disinterestedness, and has a high level of scholarship, and leads economic lives. In his poetry, these aspects are reflected. He attaches importance to the inner mind than appearances. In writing poems, he values much of creation than imitation. Though he is in government service, his mind is always going for Wigizihak. Owing to his nature of a warrior, in his poetry, a warrior`s upright spirit and scholar`s incorruptible spirit is immersed. However, a virile spirit of a warrior shows little, His poetry is a thing of philosophical principles. He uses not the indicative mood but metaphors, and thus his poetry implies a lot of meanings. The most prominent characteristics in his poetic diction is minglement with is-ness and nothinglessness. His diction orients for the universal thing, neither is-ness nor nothinglessness. The reasonal background for it is that, though he experiences lots of sufferings, he takes an positive view of life, not of pessimistic one. His poetic stylus is pure and lofty as the disinterested mind of Korean gentleman is expressed in his poetry.
THE THEOLOGICAL DECLARATION OF BARMEN(Barmen 신학선언서)/1Cor. 1:30(고전1:30)
THE THEOLOGICAL DECLARATION OF BARMEN Ⅰ. An Appeal to the Evangelical Congregations and Christians in Germany The Confessional Synod of the German Evangelical Church met in Barmen, May 29-31, 1934. Here representatives from all the German Confessional Churches met with one accord in a confession of the one Lord of the one, holy, apostolic Church. In fidelity to their Confession of Faith, members of Lutheran, Reformed, and United Churches sought a common message for the need and temptation of the Church in our day. With gratitude to God they are convinced that they have been given a common word to utter. It was not their intention to found a new Church or to form a union. For nothing was farther from their minds than the abolition of the confessional status of our Churches. Their intention was, rather, to withstand in faith and unanimity the destruction of the Confession of Faith, and thus of the Evangelical Church in Germany. In opposition to attempts to establish the unity of the German Evangelical Church by means of false doctrine, by the use of force and insincere practices, the Confessional Synod insists that the unity of the Evangelical Churches in Germany can come only from the Word of God in faith through the Holy Spirit. Thus alone is the Church renewed, Therefore the Confessional Synod calls upon the congregations to range themselves behind it in prayer, and steadfastly to gather around those pastors and teachers who are loyal to the Confessions. Be not deceived by loose talk, as if we meant to oppose the unity of the German nation! Do not listen to the seducers who pervert our intentions, as if we wanted to break up the unity of the German Evangelical Church or to forsake the Confessions of the Fathers! Try the spirits whether they are of God! Prove also the words of the Confessional Synod of the German Evangelical Church to see whether they agree with Holy Scripture and with the Confessions of the Fathers. If you find that we are speaking contrary to Scripture, then do no listen to us! But if you find that we are taking our stand upon Scripture, then let no fear or temptation keep you from trading with us the path of faith and obedience to the Word of God, in order that God\'s people be of one mind upon earth and that we in faith experience what he himself has said: “I will never leave you, nor forsake you.” Therefore, “Fear not, little flock, for it is your Father\'s good pleasure to give you the kingdom.” Ⅱ. Theological Declaration Concerning the Present Situation of the German Evangelical Church According to the opening words of its constitution of July 11, 1933, the German Evangelical Church is a federation of Confessional Churches that grew out of the Reformation and that enjoy equal rights. The theological basis for the unification of these Churches is laid down in Article 1 and Article 2(1) of the constitution of the German Evangelical Church that was recognized by the Reich Government on July 14, 1933: Article 1. The inviolable foundation of the German Evangelical Church is the gospel of Jesus Christ as it is attested for us in Holy Scripture and brought to light again in the Confessions of the Reformation. The full powers that the Church needs for its mission are hereby determined and limited. Article 2(1). The German Evangelical Church is divided into member Churches (Landeskirchen). We, the representatives of Lutheran, Reformed, and United Churches, of free synods, Church assemblies, and parish organizations united in the Confessional Synod of the German Evangelical Church, declare that we stand together on the ground of the German Evangelical Church as a federation of German Confessional Churches. We are bound together by the confession of the one Lord of the one, holy, catholic, and apostolic Church. We publicly declare before all evangelical Churches in Germany that what they hold in common this Confession is grievously imperiled, and with it the unity of the German Evangelical Church. It is threatened by the teaching methods and actions of the ruling Church party of the “German Christians” and of the Church administration carried on by them. These have become more and more apparent during the first year of the existence of the German Evangelical Church. This threat consist in the fact that the theological basis, in which the German Evangelical Church is united, has been continually and systematically thwarted and rendered ineffective by alien principles, on the part of the leaders and spokesmen of the “German Christians” as well as on the part of the Church administration. When these principles are held to be valid, then, according to all the Confessions in force among us, the Church ceases to be the Church and the German Evangelical Church, as a federation of Confessional Churches, become intrinsically impossible. As members of Lutheran, Reformed, and United Churches, we may and must speak with one voice in this matter today. Precisely because we want to be and to remain faithful to our various Confessions, we may not keep silent, since we believe that we have been given a common message to utter in a time of common need and temptation. We commend to God what this may mean for the interrelations of the Confessional Churches. In view of the errors of the “German Christians” of the present Reich Church government which are devastating the Church and are also thereby breaking up the unity of the German Evangelical Church, we confess the following evangelical truths: 1. “I am the way, and the truth, and the life; no one comes to the Father, but by me.”(John 14:6). “Truly, truly, I say to you, he who does not enter the sheepfold by the door but climbs in by another way, that man is a thief and a robber....I am the door; if anyone enters by me, he well be saved.” (John 10:1, 9.) Jesus Christ, as he is attested for us in Holy Scripture, is the one Word of God which we have to hear and which we have to thrust and obey in life and in death. We reject the false doctrine, as though the Church could and would have to acknowledge as a source of its proclamation, apart from and besides this one Word of God, still other events and powers, figures and truths, as God\'s revelation. 2. “Christ Jesus, whom God made our wisdom, our righteousness and sanctification and redemption.” (ⅠCor. 1:30.) As Jesus Christ is God\'s assurance of the forgiveness of all our sins, so in the same way and with the same seriousness is he also God\'s mighty claim upon our whole life. Through him befalls us a joyful deliverance from the godless fetters of this world for a free, grateful service to his creatures. We reject the false doctrine, as though there were areas of our life in which we would not belong to Jesus Christ, but to other lords-areas in which we would not need justification and sanctification through him. 3. “Rather, speaking the truth in love, we are to grow up in every way into him who is the head, into Christ, from whom the whole body [is] joined and knit together.” ( Eph. 4:15-16.) The Christian Church is the congregation of the brethren in which Jesus Christ acts presently as the Lord in Word and Sacrament through the Holy Spirit. As the Church of pardoned sinners, it has to testify in the midst of a sinful world, with its faith as with its obedience, with its message as with its order, that it is solely his property, and that it lives and wants to live solely from his comfort and from his direction in the expectation of his appearance. We reject the false doctrine, as though the Church were permitted to abandon the form of its message and order to its own pleasure or to changes in prevailing ideological and political convictions. 4. “You know that the rulers of the Gentiles lord it over them, and their great men exercise authority over them. It shall not be so among you; but whoever would be great among you must be your servant.” ( Matt. 20:25-26.) The various offices in the Church do not establish a dominion of some over the others; on the contrary, they are for the exercise of the ministry entrusted to and enjoined upon the whole congregation. We reject the false doctrine, as tough the Church, apart from this ministry, could and were permitted to give to itself, or allow to be given to it, special leaders vested with ruling powers. 5. “Fear God. Honor the emperor.” (ⅠPeter 2:17.) Scripture tells us that, in the as yet unredeemed world in which the Church also exists, the State has by divine appointment the task of providing for justice and peace. [It fulfills this task] by means of the threat and exercise of force, according to the measure of human judgement and human ability. The Church acknowledges the benefit of this divine appointment in gratitude and reverence before him. It calls to mind the Kingdom of God, God\'s commandment and righteousness, and thereby the responsibility both of rulers and of the ruled. It trusts and obeys the power of the Word by which God upholds all things. We reject the false doctrine, as though the State, over and beyond its special commission, should and could become the single and totalitarian order of human life, thus fulfilling the Church\'s vocation as well. We reject the false doctrine, as though the Church, over and beyond its special commission, should and could appropriate the characteristics, the tasks, and the dignity of the State, thus itself becoming an organ of the State. 6. “Lo, I am with you always, to the close of the age.” (Matt. 28:20.) “The word of God is not fettered.” (ⅡTim. 2:9.) The Church\'s commission, upon which its freedom is founded, consists in delivering the message of the free grace of God to all people in Christ\'s stead, and therefore in the ministry of his own Word and work through sermon and Sacrament. We reject the false doctrine, as though the Church in human arrogance could place the Word and work of the Lord in the service of any arbitrarily chosen desires, purposes, and plans. The Confessional Synod of the German Evangelical Church declares that it sees in the acknowledgement of these truths and in the rejection of these errors the indispensable theological basis of the German Evangelical Church as a federation of Confessional Churches. It invites all who are able to accept its declaration to be mindful of these theological principles in their decisions in Church politics. It entreats all whom it concerns to return to the unity of faith, love, and hope.